UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

TO THE DECLINE OF THE PLATONIST MOVEMENT.

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

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THE

UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

VOLUME III

FROM THE ELECTION OF BUCKINGHAM TO THE CHANCELLORSHIP IN 1626

TO THE DECLINE OF THE PLATONIST MOVEMENT

BY

JAMES BASS MULLINGEE, M.A.

LATE UNIVERSITY LECTURER ON HISTORY AND LECTURER AND LIBRARIAN TO 8T JOHN'S COLLEGE.

CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1911

PRESERVATION SERVICES

ffiambrtoge :

PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

TO

ROBERT FORSYTE SCOTT, ESQUIRE, M.A.

MASTER OF ST JOHN'S COLLEGE

AND VICE-CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.

DEAR MR VICE-CHANCELLOR,

It is with much pleasure that, on the completion of this Volume, I avail myself of your kind permission to dedicate it to yourself, as a grateful acknowledgement of your valuable aid in its production, and as a tribute to your own profound acquaintance with the history of the University.

Believe me, dear Mr Vice-chancellor, Very sincerely yours,

J. BASS MULLINGER.

68 LENSFIELD ROAD, CAMBRIDGE, ^ 1911.

a3

PEEFACE.

As more than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the second volume of this work was published, I venture to offer a brief explanation of the protracted delay that has attended the appearance of the third, notwithstanding that continuous residence in the university throughout that time has greatly facilitated access to the original sources of in- formation and especially those relating to the history of the colleges. The primary cause, I need hardly say, has been my engagements as lecturer and librarian at my own College, and also as lecturer on history to the University, on ecclesiastical history, as Birkbeck lecturer at Trinity College, and lecturer on the History of Education to the Teachers' Training College. A contributing cause has been one which could hardly be foreseen, — the publication of the Dictionary of National Biography. As soon as, in 1885, the first volume of that monumental work appeared, and I was myself privileged to become a not infrequent contributor, I could not fail to perceive, not only that I should gain largely by awaiting the completion of the series, but that such a course was almost indispensable. My lamented friend, the Reverend J. E. B. Mayor, the late professor of Latin, was always ready, indeed, to place his invaluable collections for a Cambridge Athenae, at my service; but with the advance of the seventeenth century, as individualities and controversies alike multiplied, and new and important fields of literature opened up, the history of university training and culture throughout Christendom assumes a

viii PREFACE.

deeper significance and an enlarged importance ; while it is no exaggeration to affirm that the intellectual and religious history of the English-speaking race, during the same century, was to a great extent the reflex of the traditions upheld at Oxford and at Cambridge, together with the resistance which they there evoked, — the annals of those two ancient seats of learning, again, receiving no little illustration from a comparison of the one with the other1. The value, indeed, of the employment of the comparative method in the study of history, and especially in the history of Institutions, is now so generally recognized, that altogether to abandon it would, it seemed to me, tend to deprive my labours of much of their value ; and comparatively brief as is the period dealt with in the succeeding pages, it is one perhaps more eventful and fraught with instruction than any, of equal duration, in our national experiences. Between the sudden fate of Buckingham, the chancellor of Cambridge, and the fall of Clarendon, the chancellor of Oxford, we are confronted, at both universities, with such a series of changes, — in the first instance so subversive, in the sequel so reac- tionary,— that it is, at first sight, difficult to account for their occurrence within less than half a century, in connexion with institutions distinguished alike by their reverence for the Past and by the tenacity of their traditions. As it was, an observer visiting either university in 1625 and again in 1669, but ignorant of what had occurred in the interval, might have been ready to conclude that, whatever had been the case elsewhere, her professed beliefs, learning and discipline remained much the same. Or, if change there were, it was by no means in the direction of improvement. At Cambridge, the new light which had before seemed breaking in from Bacon's Novum Organum, appeared to be dying out under the influence of a revived scholasticism ; the cheerful confidence wherewith Joseph Mede had been able to greet

1 As an instance of this, I may cite the evidence supplied by the sister university with regard to the work of the Commissioners in 1654, and the difficulties attendant upon the same, — an experience which, at Cambridge, receives but little illustration.

PREFACE. ix

his pupils, as he enquired Quid dubitas ? had been exchanged, in no small measure, for despondency and dubious tones, audible even in the pulpit, as one of the most thoughtful of her teachers, himself a bishop of the restored Church, essayed the task of giving answer to the query, What is Truth ? To infer, however, that all that had occurred in that troublous interval was really destined to remain unproductive of permanent and beneficial result, is very far from being the conclusion to which the whole narrative necessarily points ; and those who may feel inclined to put aside the annals of bygone learning as devoid of much relevance to present-day questions, may do well to note that, amid the apparently ceaseless and barren controversies evoked by theological divisions during the Commonwealth, a great scholar, — perhaps the ablest whom Cambridge ever lent to Oxford, — was there to be heard pleading against all coercive discipline in secondary education, and demanding that every student in a university should be at liberty to choose such instruc- tion as seemed best adapted to ' his individual genius and design1.' Nor is it less certain, that, when individuality has thus been accorded due recognition, the extent to which it may, in turn, be moulded by the directive insight of the teacher, was a process distinctly apprehended and in actual operation, alike in Oxford and in Cambridge, two centuries before it was formulated by Herbart and by Herbert Spencer. Another main fact to be borne in mind, is that the importance of the two universities at this period, in relation to the country at large, was not only unprecedented, but unsurpassed even in much later times. ' Few persons/ says Dr Venn, writing in 1897, ' have adequately realized the commanding position to which they had then attained. Absolutely, — not relatively merely, — the number of gra- duates in the years about 1625-30, was greater than was ever attained again till within living memory. When allowance is made for the growth of population, it must be frankly admitted that, as far as concerns the number of

1 See infra, p. 446 and note.

X PREFACE.

trained men sent out into the country, the old Univer- sities have not yet regained the position they occupied two centuries and a half ago1.'

Among those to whom I had occasion to acknowledge my indebtedness in my second volume, although some have passed away, their places have been filled by others ; and in the access to registers and other sources of information most readily everywhere accorded me, it has been no slight additional encouragement to recognize an increasing interest in all that serves to illustrate the developement of education both in the past and in the present. The Histories of the Colleges, both of Oxford and of Cambridge, published by Mr F. E. Robinson2, I have found of considerable service, and from a majority of their authors have been able to gain additional information of a kind that would hardly have been obtainable in any other quarter. In my own university, I have been especially indebted to Dr J. E. Sandys, our Public Orator, for his careful perusal of my proof-sheets and valuable criticisms thereupon, and also to Dr Peile, the late master of Christ's, and to Dr Venn, president of Gains College, for like aid. The publication of the Biographical History of Gonville and Gains College by Dr Venn, together with his notes from the episcopal registries, especially those of London and Norwich, have also served to render available results of laborious researches which have been invaluable for my period ; the first volume of the corresponding work (by Dr Peile), relating to Christ's College3, has just appeared ; and it is satisfactory to learn that the second and completing volume may shortly be looked for, under the editorship of Mr J. A. Venn, M.A., of Trinity College, to whom also my acknowledgements are due, for frequent biographical in-

1 Biographical History of Gonville and Gains College, Vol. i, Introduc- tion, xx—xxi.

2 Now published by Hutchinson & Co., Paternoster Row.

3 Biographical Register of Christ's College (1505-1905) and of the Earlier Foundation, God's House (1448-1505). By John Peile, Litt.D., F.B.A., late Master of the College. Vol. i. Camb. Univ. Press. 1911.

PREFACE. XI

formation, — derived from his own and his father's transcripts of the Lists of Degrees and other documents preserved in the Registry. To Dr Peile, Dr Ward, master of Peterhouse, and to the late Provost of King's, — to Thomas Thornely, esquire, fellow and lecturer of Trinity Hall, and to Dr T. A. Walker, fellow and librarian of Peterhouse, — I have throughout been under obligation, either for permission to consult original documents, or for information transcribed from the same. At Trinity College, Mr W. W. Rouse Ball and the Rev. A. H. Boughey, tutors and fellows of the society, have vouchsafed me much kind help, while to the exceptional knowledge possessed by the former of the history of the study of mathematics, both in the university and elsewhere, I have been still further indebted. To Dr C. H. Firth, professor of Modern History at Oxford, I have been under repeated obligation, not only for the guidance afforded by his articles in the Dictionary of Biography and his recent volumes on the Protectorate, but also for the loan of his very valuable notes on the British Museum Catalogue of the Thomason Tracts. To the Rev. Andrew Clark, of Lincoln College, my thanks are also due for various information, and not least for his editorial labours on Anthony Wood's Life and Times.

As regards the spelling of surnames, I have preferred, whenever they occur in the Dictionary of Biography, the form in which they are there given, in order to facilitate reference to that work.

J. B. M.

CONTENTS.

CHAP. I. FROM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES I TO THE MEETING OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT.

PAGE

The funeral solemnities at Cambridge 1

The Dolor et Solamen and its contributors 1 — 5

Andrew Downes 2 — 3

Samuel Collins 4

Grace for an annual sermon in commemoration of King James 5

King Charles proclaimed in the market-place at Cambridge,

30 Mar. 1625 ib.

Enthusiasm at his accession ib.

Incidents in his previous relations with Cambridge . . . 5 — 10 Election of NORTHAMPTON to the chancellorship and letter of

acceptance to same, May 1612 6

Subsequent nomination of Prince Charles .... 7

Displeasure of King James who annuls his son's nomination . ib.

Resignation of Northampton ....... ib.

Letter of King James to the university .... 8

He enjoins a new election ib.

Northampton's re-election, June 1612 9

His death, June 1614 ib.

Election of the earl of Suffolk ib.

Charles's growing popularity ...... ib.

The Gratulatio and its contributors 10

Presentation of the same at Royston : 12 Oct. 1623 . . ib.

BUCKINGHAM created Duke: 18 May 1623 ib.

Dissatisfaction of Parliament with the universities . . . 11

Approach of the Plague ib.

JOHN WILLIAMS of St John's College ib.

His appointment to the chancellorship 12

His vindication of the memory of King James ... 13

His relations with Buckingham 13 — 4

M. in. b

XIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

JOSEPH MEDE of Christ's College 14

His services to the university contrasted with those of

Williams 15

His early career ib.

Christ's College under Bainbrigg (1622-1645) : William

Chappell, Robert Gell, Michael Honywood . . . 15 — 6

JOHN MILTON'S entry at Christ's ib.

Remarkable range of Mede's acquirements .... 16 — 7

His position as a theologian ....... 17

His ability and originality as tutor 18 — 9

His regard for individuality among his pupils ... 19 Number of eminent men educated at Christ's College at this

period 19

Mede's other notable qualities 19 — 21

His correspondence at home and abroad . . . . 20

His Clavis Apocalyptica ........ 21

His treatment of Apocalyptical studies illustrated . . 22—4

Widespread influence of his treatise 24 — 5

RICHARD MONTAGU of King's College ...... 25

His Appello Caesar em ........ ib.

Early career of the author ........ 26

His distinctive merits as a controversialist .... 27

His controversy with the Jesuits ib.

His challenge and the Reply 27 — 8

He declines to submit to the dogmatic teaching of either

Romanist or Calvinist 28 — 30

His book made the subject of complaint to the House of

Commons .......... 30

He is admonished by archbishop Abbot and appeals to the

King 30—1

James sanctions the publication of the Appello . . . ib.

Montagu defines his standpoint as that of a non-sectarian . 32 His position in relation to the Lapsarian controversy mainly identical with that of the English Church, and (as he

asserts) the traditional view at Cambridge . . . 32 — 3

The Appello censured by the House of Commons . . 33

Parliament reassembles at Oxford, August 1625. . . . ib.

Buckeridge, Laud, and Howson memorialize Buckingham in favour

of the Appello ......... 34

Dismissal of Williams from the office of lord keeper, Oct. 1625 . 35

He is supplanted by Laud at the CORONATION at Westminster 36

Laud's manual of service for the occasion .... ib.

Williams's letter to Buckingham, 7 Jan. 1626 ... 37

His appeal to Charles, 6 Feb. 1626 . .... ib

CONTENTS. XV

PAGE

His fortitude amid his changed fortunes .... 37 — 8

His activity at Buckden ....... 38

His benefactions to both Trinity and St John's ... 39 Benefaction of Mary, countess of Shrewsbury, to the College . 39 — 40

His visit in 1628 to inspect the new Library . . . 41 — 2

JOHN PRESTON of Queens' College 42

His gradual decline in Buckingham's favour . . . ib.

His success as a preacher at Lincoln's Inn ... 43 He is consulted by Buckingham respecting the merits of the

Appello .......... ib.

Verdict of the bishops appointed by Charles to report on

the same .......... 44

The CONFERENCE AT YORK HOUSE, Feb. 1626 .... 45

Preston and Thomas Morton are opposed by Buckeridge and

Francis White ......... ib.

THOMAS MORTON : his tolerant character, his severe criticism of

the Appello . 46

JOHN COSIN of Caius College ib.

He appears at the Conference towards its close, at the behest

of Buckingham ........ ib.

Triumph of the ' Montagutians ' 47

The Appello is referred to a Committee of the House of

Commons ib.

Montagu is censured, whereupon Buckingham espouses his

cause ib.

His subsequent impeachment ib.

His position relatively to the decisions of the Synod of Dort . 48 The Appello is condemned by the authors of the Joynt

Attestation ......... 48 — 50

MATTHEW SOTCLIFFE of Trinity College 50

His project of a College for instruction in theological polemics ib.

His de Turco Papismo ........ ib.

His Briefe Censure in reply to Montagu .... ib.

Other replies to the Appello by Henry Burton, Featley, and

Francis Rous 51

Suffolk, as chancellor, enjoins the restoration of discipline . 52

His career and death ........ ib.

GEORGE MONTAIGNE of Queens' College 52 — 3

His loyalty to the society ....... 53

He openly advises Buckingham's election to the chancellorship ib.

Intimation of the royal pleasure to the same effect . . ib. Advice of bishop Neile, to proceed forthwith to elect

Buckingham ......... ib.

Objections to such precipitancy as summed up by Mede . 54

62

XVI CONTENTS.

Leonard Mawe, now master of Trinity, exerts himself to give

effect to Neile's advice ....... 54

Buckingham's other supporters in the university . . ib.

The earl of Berkshire is however proposed .... 55

THE ELECTION, June 1626 56

Disadvantages under which Berkshire's supporters labour . ib.

Buckingham's dubious majority ...... ib.

Analysis of the election as derived from the Registrary's

lists 56—9

Illustration which this affords of the political sympathies of

the different colleges 57 — 9

Real nature of the contest 59

Buckingham's acknowledgements of his indebtedness to the

university 60

Irritation of Parliament at his election .... 61

Proceedings of the Commons 61 — 2

Royal theory of the relation of the Crown to the universities . 62

The House calls for the dismissal of Buckingham . . ib. Interchange of congratulations between King, chancellor and

university 63

The installation at York House 63 — 4

Death of Preston 64—5

Death of BACON 65

His designed benefactions to both universities . . . ib.

Williams appointed his executor ib.

Growing admiration of Bacon at "Cambridge ... 66

His sense of indebtedness to the university .... 67

Tribute paid by Cambridge to his memory .... 68

Interference of the Crown in the election to mastership of Caius . 69

Election of SIBBES to same, his successful administration . . 70

Portent of the 'Book Fish' 71

Visit of the chancellor, March 1627 72

The UNIVERSITY LIBRARY ib.

Bequest of archbishop Bancroft 73

Buckingham's proposal to erect a new building ... 74

His assassination, Aug. 1628 . . . . . 75

His services to the university . . . . . . 75 — 6

Charles and Laud deem the occasion favorable to the suppres- sion of controversy 76

Theological zealotry at the universities :

THOMAS FULLER 77

His acquaintance with Thomas Edwards .... ib.

Character of the latter ib.

His sermon at St Andrew's and his recantation . ib.

CONTENTS. xvii

PAGE

HENRY BURTON of St John's 78

His earlier career ib.

ALEXANDER GILL at Oxford ib.

Corresponding manifestations on the Continent . . . 78—9 The DECLARATION prefixed to the Book of Common Prayer,

Nov. 1628 79

The suppression of the Appello ib.

Pardon of Montagu and dissolution of Parliament . . ib.

Ascendancy of Laud and disgrace of Williams .... 80

Bacon's estimate of religious controversy ...... ib.

FULKE GREVILLE, LORD BROOKE 81

His design of founding a Chair of History .... ib.

Advice of Francis Bacon with regard to historical studies . 81 — 2

The use of abridgements to be avoided .... 82 The most profitable authors undervalued by the teachers in

the university ib.

Another man's note-books of little use .... ib.

Bacon's advice a factor in Brooke's design .... 83

The design as subsequently modified by the Caput . . 83 — 4

Foreigners eligible, but those in holy orders to be excluded 84

Gerard Vossius declines the offer of the chair ... 85

Appointment of Isaac Dorislaus ...... ib.

The master of Sidney's description of the circumstances

under which Dorislaus commences his lectures . . 86 Wren's letter to Laud giving a detailed account of the cir- cumstances ......... 86—8

Dorislaus is forbidden to lecture 88

He quits Cambridge but is retained in his lectureship . 89

Assassination of lord Brooke and of Dorislaus . . . ib. Obscurity in which the subsequent history of the endowment

of the Chair is involved ....... 89 — 90

Election of the earl of Holland to the chancellorship, August

1628 . . ... .-..-. . . • 90

His career and character • *b.

Laud's ideal of the higher education

Growing perception of the -value and relationship of the Semitic

languages . • . . •

Lodovicus De Dieu •*

The study of Arabic . • • 92— 3

Joseph Scaliger and Erpenius

James Golius and his brother Peter

William Bedwell . ib-

His testimony to the practical value of the spoken language . 94

Its use coextensive with the Muhammadan faith . . ib.

XVlll CONTENTS.

PAGE

Value of its literature and of its translations from other

literatures 94

Its acquirement sanctioned by Papal authority . . . 94 — 5 Foundation of the professorship of Arabic by Sir Thomas

Adams 95

ABRAHAM WHEELOCK. ib.

His ability as university librarian 96

His appointment as professor of Arabic .... ib.

SIR HENRY SPELMAN 97

His letter to Wheelock ib.

Foundation of a lectureship in Anglo-Saxon . . . ib.

Election of Laud to the chancellorship of Oxford, April 1629 . 98

Predominance of court influence in the colleges . . ib.

Devices resorted to by the latter to maintain their independence . 98 — 9

Laud endeavours to suppress the lectureship at Trinity Church . 99

Succession in the same of Preston, Sibbes and Thomas Goodwin . 100

Proposal of Laud to substitute catechising ..... ib.

Charles orders that the lectureship be continued . . . 101

Rise of the same in the estimation of both university and town ib.

Recurrence of the Plague at Cambridge, April 1630 . . 102

Accounts of the visitation given by Mede and Dr Ward . . ib.

The consequent distress ib.

Its effects as regards the medical profession .... 103

Its appearance at Padua . . . . . . . . 104

Comparison drawn by a Trinity man between Padua and Cambridge 104 — 5

Death of Hobson the Carrier, Jan. 163£ 105

Mede's description of Christ's College on his return . . . ib.

Low state of discipline in the university 106 — 7

This partly the result of drinking habits 107

The Ordinances of 1630 ib.

Injunctions issued in 1636 with respect to costume . . . ib.

Competition between servants and poor scholars in colleges . 108

The ACADEMIC COMEDY ib.

Peter Hausted and Thomas Randolph ib.

Hausted's Rival Friends ib.

His description of the reception accorded to his comedy . 109

Randolph's Jealous Lovers ....... ib.

Subsequent careers of Randolph and Hausted . . 109 — 10

The Cornelianum Dolium ib.

William Johnson's Valetudinarium. ..... Ill

ABRAHAM COWLEY ib.

His Naufragium Joculare ....... ib.

His Guardian, afterwards The Cutter of Coleman Street . ib.

Ordinance of Parliament against stage plays . . . ib.

CONTENTS. XIX

Reappearance of a spirit of invectiveness in the pulpit . . 112

Discourses by Bernard, Normanton and John Tourney . . 112—3

Dr Ward's letter on the state of the university . . . . 113

Difficulties of his own position at Cambridge .... 114

CHANGES IN THE HEADSHIPS ib.

THOMAS COMBER, master of Trinity ib.

EDWARD MARTIN, president of Queens' . . . . 115 Dissatisfaction at the royal nominations to the degree

of D.D ib.

DR HENRY BUTT, master of Corpus ib.

His trying experiences as vice-chancellor .... ib.

His suicide 116

Various reasons assigned for the act 116—7

Election of Dr Love as his successor . . . . . 117 DR RICHARD LOVE:

His encounter with Christopher Davenport .... ib. DR WILLIAM BEALE succeeds by royal mandate to the master- ship of St John's, Feb. 163f 117—8

Pressure brought to bear on Dr Gwynne by the Visitor . . 118

His death, 17 June 1633 119

Contest for the mastership between Robert Lane and Richard

Holdsworth ib.

Charges against the former investigated by a commission of

enquiry 120

Laud's opinion of the two candidates ib.

Charles eventually appoints Dr Beale to the mastership . . ib.

Death of Dr Lane 120—1

Contrast presented by the career of Holdsworth. . . . 121

Succession of John Cosin to the headship of Peterhouse . . 121 — 2

Innovations which he introduces in the college chapel . . 122 Ralph Brownrig succeeds to the mastership of St Catherine's,

July 1635 ib.

His election carried against Crown influence .... 122 — 3

Laud proposes a Visitation of the university . . . . 123

Relations between his vicar, Sir John Lambe, and Williams . ib.

Williams opposes the Visitation of his diocese of Lincoln . . 123—4

Lambe's unfavorable report with respect to same . . . 124

Laud proposes that the university should consult its archives . 124 — 5 The authorities give instruction for the collection of the evidence

for the primate's claim 125

The chancellor and the lord high steward alike commend the

adoption of such a course ...... ib.

Dr Smyth the vice-chancellor gives orders for a further investiga- tion of the archives . 126

XX CONTENTS.

PAGE

The university reports that the precedents cited for the Visitation

are not valid . . 126

Laud petitions the Crown that the case may be heard at Hampton

Court 127

His relations at this time with Oxford ib.

His munificent benefactions ib.

He places the lectureship of Arabic on a permanent basis . ib.

The documents in the archives at Oxford are conveyed to

Hampton Court 128

Hearing of the cause, June 1635 128 — 31

Protest of Holland on behalf of Cambridge . . . . 129

Laud's claim supported by Sir John Banks and Sir John

Lambe ib.

Cambridge first called upon to state its case . . . 130

Laud denounces the immunities thereby claimed . . ib.

He animadverts on the unconsecrated college chapels . ib.

Argument of his counsel in defence of his right of Visitation . 130 — 1

The decision given in his favour but never carried into effect 131 Report on Common Disorders in the University, furnished to Laud,

Sept. 1636 • 131—4

LAUD'S RULE AS CHANCELLOR AT OXFORD 134

The new statutes given to the university in 1636 . . 135

Special features of the code ib.

Many of the Oxford bachelors betake themselves to Cambridge 136 — 7

The vice-chancellor of Oxford solicits the intervention of

the authorities at Cambridge 137

Dr Brownrig's reply, May 1639 ib.

Laud's efforts to enforce the colloquial use of Latin justified . 138

LAST DAYS OF JOSEPH MEDE 139 — 40

Conclusion of his correspondence, June 1631 . . . 139

He reverts to his Apocalyptic studies ib.

His sudden death, last will, and bequests . . . . 140

PHILEMON HOLLAND, the translator ...... ib.

He is licensed by the vice-chancellor to receive charity from

the colleges 141

His death at Coventry ib.

Institution of the COMMEMORATION OF BENEFACTORS, Feb. 16f§. ib.

Members of the Committee appointed to draw up the Roll 142

Uncritical character of their earlier selection . . . ib.

Bishop Fisher altogether left out 143

Proposed erection of new Commencement House and Library,

1640 ib.

Convocation reasserts the Doctrine of Divine Right, June 1640 . 144

The doctrine imposed on the universities .... ib.

CONTENTS. XXI

PAGE

Imposition of the Etcetera Oath 144

The omission in the Cambridge copy . . . . . 145 Exceptions taken to the oath by Holdsworth, Brownrig,

Hacket, and Godfrey Goodman ib.

WILLIAM BEALE'S sermon at St Mary's, March 1635 . . . 145 — 6

He attacks Parliament and is called to account, May 1640 146

His complaint to Cosin ib.

Verses by the university on the birth of Prince Henry, July 1640 147

Election of burgesses for the town, Oct. 1640 .... ib.

Intervention of lord keeper Finch ib.

Election of Oliver Cromwell and John Lowrey . . . ib.

Cromwell as an undergraduate 148

CHAP. IT. THE EXILES TO AMERICA.

Tradition respecting Oliver Cromwell 149

Cambridge and the Plantation of VIRGINIA. . . . 149—51

William Crashaw's sermon, February 160^ . . . . 150

Leading colonists from Cambridge ib.

Earl of Southampton, first governor 151

Henry Briggs, John Pory ib.

Anglican traditions of the colony ib.

Proposed university, and college for the natives . . . 152

Failure of the project ib.

Joseph Mede's perplexity with respect to the newly discovered

races 153

His reply to Dr Twisse's queries on the subject . . . ib.

America will certainly not be the site of the New Jerusalem . ib.

His painful conclusion 154

His influence on New England theology discussed . . 154 — 7

Cotton Mather reproduces Mede's theory . . . . 155

The powers of evil are in retreat from the centres of

civilization ......... 156

Relevance of such theorization to New England experiences 157

Developement of the teaching of Cartwright and Walter Travers

in the university 157 — 9

The two Johnsons, Francis and George .... 157

Their careers prior to their appearance at Amsterdam in 1598 157 — 8

The SEPARATIST CHURCH AT AMSTERDAM .... 158 — 63

George Johnson's Discourse, 1603 159

He compares his brother's church with the former church

at Frankfort ib.

His brother expels him from Amsterdam .... ib.

XX11 CONTENTS.

PAGE

His death as a prisoner at Durham 160

HENRY AINSWORTH succeeds to the pastorate at Amsterdam . ib. His knowledge of Hebrew ....... ib.

His early experiences in the city 160 — 1

WILLIAM BREWSTER earns his livelihood by teaching English 161 The churches in Holland mainly under the direction of Cam- bridge men ib.

Oxford graduates : Matthew Slade and John Davenport . 161 — 2 Richard Mather and his Cambridge Platform . . . 162 Prevalence of contention among the exiles in Holland . 163 The migration from Amsterdam to Leyden, 1609 . . ib.

JOHN ROBINSON and his church in Leyden 163 — 5

Notable change in the spirit of his teaching . . . 164 He holds that Christianity is progressive with respect to

doctrine 164 — 5

His address to his followers on their leaving to embark in

the Mayjloiver, 1620 165

Religious views of the colonizers of New Plymouth . . . 166 — 7

Contrast presented by the colonizers of New England . . 167

FRANCIS HIGGINSON ib.

His experiences in England ....... 168

His appointment as minister by the Massachusetts Company 168 — 9

His departure for New England 169

He establishes a church at Salem on a Separatist basis 169 — 70

The MEETING AT CAMBRIDGE, August 1629 170 — 1

JOHN WINTHROP'S speech on the occasion . . . . 171

Relations of the Winthrop family with the university . . ib. Adam Winthrop the younger ...... ib.

His son John enters at Trinity, Dec. 1602 . . . . 172

His married life and family 173

His eldest son John sent to Trinity College, Dublin, his

second son to Emmanuel ...... ib.

John makes the grand tour ib.

The family correspondence 173 — 4

The father's lost letter to John, the contents of which are

indicated in the reply 174 — 5

Decision to transfer the government of the Massachusetts Company

to New England 175—6

The chief leaders in this design : Sir Richard Saltonstall,

George Phillips and Increase Nowell . . . . 176 Winthrop and his companions find themselves confronted by

a Separatist church 176 — 7

Their previous disavowal of the Separatists . . . . 177

Arrival of the Arbella, June 1630 ib.

CONTENTS. xxiii

PAGE

Samuel Skelton of Clare Hall 177

He refuses to recognize the new-comers as members of the

true Church 178

Further results of Laud's repressive policy 178 — 9

Isolated examples of loyalty to the mother church . . . 179

Arrival of JOHN COTTON, Sept. 1633 180

He becomes the chief leader of the colony .... ib.

His theory of 'liberty of conscience' ib.

Real liberty of conscience not conceded in New England . 181

Other Cambridge men 181 — 8

JOHN ELIOT, Thomas James, 181 ; Thomas Weld, Nathaniel

Ward and his Body of Liberties 182

Thomas Hooker, Samuel Stone ...... ib.

Thomas Shepard, Daniel Maud, Richard Mather . . . 183

Peter Bulkley, the founder of Concord, John Norton, John

Wheelwright 184

Samuel Whiting, Richard Jennings, John Davenport, founder

of Newhaven 185

Charles Chauncy, who retracts his retractation made in

England and becomes president of Harvard College . 186

Henry Dunster, Chauncy's predecessor ib.

His qualifications as a scholar and administrator . . 187

Circumstances of his expulsion from the presidency . . 188

FOUNDATION OP HARVARD COLLEGE, 1636 ib.

Newtown selected for the site and the name changed to that

of Cambridge ......... ib.

JOHN HARVARD, after whom the College is now named . 188 — 9

His main design to avert the succession of an illiterate

ministry ib.

Expulsion of ROGER WILLIAMS of Pembroke College . . 189 — 91

His intolerance in relation to the Church of England . 190

His repudiation of learning as essential to the understanding

of Scripture ......... ib.

His theory hostile to the universities ..... 191

Signal service rendered by the new foundation to the colony . ib.

The Founder's library 192

Earliest account of the Foundation, 1643 .... 192—5

The scheme of discipline and study 195

Latin verse composition ........ ib.

Hebrew, Chaldee and Syriac ib.

Rhetoric ib.

Practice of recapitulation 196

Requirements for first and second degrees .... ib.

The first COMMENCEMENT, Aug. 1642 196—7

XXIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

The disputants 196

Testimonies to the material and spiritual prosperity of the

colonists . . 197

Depleting effects of the success of their party in England . 198

Thomas Welde and Hugh Peters of Trinity College . . ib.

The Bay Psalm Book ib.

Appeal of Harvard to London for aid, and response thereto 199 Counter migration of many of the exiles to England . 199 — 200

New regulations at Harvard 200

Destruction of its library ib.

In all three colonies the teachers are mainly from Cambridge . ib.

The influence of Joseph Mede is clearly discernible . . . 200 — 1

Theories now advanced with respect to the Indian tribes : 201

first, that they were the myrmidons of Gog and Magog ; secondly,

the Lost Tribes of Israel . 201—2

CHAP. III. FROM THE MEETING OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT TO THE YEAR 1647. (Nov. 1640—1647.)

Dissatisfaction manifested by both political parties with the

universities 203 — 4

Milton's indictment against the same 204

Petition of Manchester to be made a university, 164^ . . ib.

Reasons urged in support of such a measure . . . ib. Remoteness of Oxford and Cambridge from the north and

the expensiveness of both 204 — 5

Patrons certain to be forthcoming 205

Manchester of great antiquity and now of 'great fame' . ib.

Similar petitions from York and the northern counties . . 206

The claims of York particularized ..... ib. Its former library, its existing foundations and other available

resources 206 — 7

Fairfax, although admitting the esteem in which Oxford and Cambridge are held by Parliament, favours the claims of

Manchester 207

The new members for the university : Henry Lucas and Thomas

Eden ib.

APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEE TO CONSIDER ABUSES IN THE

UNIVERSITIES . . . 208

Proceedings against Cosin ....... ib.

He is deprived of all his church preferments but retains his

mastership . . . 209

CONTENTS. XXV

D'Ewes in the House of Commons asserts the priority of Cambridge

over Oxford, 2 Jan. 164& 209

He admits and accounts for the predominance of Oxford men

in the House ......... 210

But maintains that Cambridge was prior to Oxford both as

' a city ' and a seat of learning ..... ib.

Acts in Parliament abolishing 'subscription' at the universities . 211

Cambridge petitions Parliament on behalf of cathedral endowments ib. Bill for depriving ecclesiastics of power to intervene in secular

affairs .......... ib.

The Lords insert a proviso whereby Heads are declared

admissible to magisterial functions .... ib.

This provisionally accepted by the Commons ... ib.

Reappointment of the Committee for the Universities, June 1641 ib.

Assessment of the colleges . . . . . . . 212

Holdsworth as vice-chancellor ....... ib.

Death of Dr Chaderton, 1640 ib.

His high esteem for Holdsworth ib.

The statute de Mora Sodorum again contested at Emmanuel . 213

The fellows petition against its re-enactment, 1640 . . ib.

Election of John Worthington as Head notwithstanding . ib.

The Commons declare the election valid, 1642 . . . 214

Worthington's supporters and opponents compared . . ib. HOLDSWORTH'S ORATION in vesperiis Comitiorum (July 1641) . 215 — 9

He deplores the distressed condition of the university . 216 Upholds the unique position of the English Church and

insists on the true spirit of the English Reformation . 216 — 7 Descants on the gloomy prospects of learning, and appeals to Parliament not to ignore the noble traditions of both

universities 217 — 8

Urges his audience to renewed efforts, dwelling on the force

of individual example 219

Parliament refers his Oration to a committee . . . ib. Articles exhibited against Dr Beale, August 1641 . . 219 — 20

Consequent action of Parliament ib.

Royal favour shewn to Holdsworth 220

Loyal feeling of the university as set forth in the Irenodia . 221

Language of the GRAND REMONSTRANCE, 1641 . . . ib. The Protestation imposed on the university and subscription

on proceeding to degrees again prohibited . . . ib.

The universities claim exemption from the forced Loan . ib.

The VISIT OF KING AND PRINCE, March 164£ .... 222—3

Description of same by Joseph Beaumont of Peterhouse . 222

John Cleveland's Oration . . . ib.

XXVI CONTENTS.

PAGE

Performance of Cowley's Guardian ..... 222

The Banquet at St John's 223

Holdsworth's sermon at Great St Mary's .... ib.

Optimistic tone of his discourse ib.

The KENTISH PETITION 223 — 4

Milton's fourth pamphlet 224

The Episcopal Order now especially threatened . . . ib.

Claims of the Order on the gratitude of poor students . ib.

Aid granted to students from Trinity College, Dublin . . 225

Sermon before the university by Thomas Stephens, May 1642 . ib.

He denounces the prevailing disloyal tendencies . . . ib.

His remarkable anticipation of Puritan excesses . . . 226

TRINITY COLLEGE UNDER THE RULE OF DR COMBER (1631-1645) . ib. Increased attention paid to modern languages and the belles

lettres 227

Satirical tone of the scholars in relation to current prophecies ib. Developement of poetry among its members : Hugh Holland,

Thomas Randolph ib.

Andrew Marvell, Cowley, and Sir John Suckling. . . 228

Dispersion of the university owing to the Plague . . . ib.

The ROYAL APPEAL FOR A LOAN, June 1642 .... 229

The Cambridge response 229 — 30

The Oxford response 230

Offer of Charles to take care of the plate still remaining in

each college, July 1642 . 231

Compliance of the colleges 231 — 2

The loan held to be not destined for warlike purposes . 232

Dean Barwick and his brother Peter ib.

Plate sent from St John's and Queens', August 1642 . . 233

BARNABAS OLEY of Clare 234

Device by which he saves the Clare plate .... ib.

Experiences of the other colleges 234 — 5

Town and university alike arm 235

Seizure of arms by Cromwell ib.

He occupies the Castle and intercepts the departure of some

of the plate 236

He is out-manoeuvred by Barnabas Oley who conveys a

portion of the treasure to Nottingham .... ib.

The plate at Magdalene, King's, Jesus, and Sidney . . 237

Cromwell orders the arrest of Drs Beale, Martin and Sterne . 237 — 8

Harshness of their treatment 238

Order for their committal to the Tower, Sept. 1642 . . ib.

Their progress thither 238 — 9

Unpopularity of Dr Wren in his diocese ..... 239

CONTENTS. XXvii

PAGE

Subsequent experiences of Dr Beale 239—40

Baker's estimate of his character .... 240

The ASSOCIATION OF THE EASTERN COUNTIES, Dec. 1642 . ib.

The university petitions Parliament . . . 241

Apprehension of a royalist attack on Cambridge . . ib.

Appeal of Parliament to the county for aid .... ib. Cromwell proceeds to fortify the town, March 164| . . . 241—2 The Lords endeavour to shield the university by promulgating

a Protection ....... 242 3

Their mandate ignored by Cromwell's soldiery .... 243 Damages suffered by the colleges resulting from the fortifying

of the town ....... ib.

St John's College converted into a prison 243 4

Cromwell's demand for a subsidy refused by the university . 244

Detention of the Heads in the schools ib.

Money forcibly taken from the college bursars . . . 244 5

Dr Power of Christ's College ....... 245

Popular demonstration against his Latin sermon . . ib. The colleges plundered and their chapels desecrated . . . 246 Holdsworth, the vice-chancellor, arrested and sent to London,

May 1643 ib.

Heads summoned to attend the Westminster Assembly . . 247 The university appeals to both Houses for relief, June 1643 . ib.

The petition referred to a Committee 248

Grace for dispensing with the Commencement ceremonies, June

1643 ib.

JOHN PEARSON, bishop of Chester 249

His sermon in defence of Forms of Prayer . . . 249 — 50 The fortifications completed, Cromwell sets out for Gainsborough 250 Charles Cavendish killed in the skirmish near that town . . 251 Cromwell falls back on Peterborough and sends his prisoners on

to Cambridge ......... ib.

His appeal to the Cambridge Committee .... ib.

Sympathy shewn by the scholars with the prisoners in St John's 251 — 2

Death of Dr Samuel Ward, Sept. 1643 252

The ELECTION TO THE MASTERSHIP OF SIDNEY .... 253

HERBERT THORNDIKE of Trinity 253 — 4

His nomination and that of Richard Minshull as candidates 254 Arrest of John Pawson, one of Thorndike's supporters . ib.

Election of Minshull ib.

Appeal of Thorndike's supporters to Charles at Oxford . ib. The royal vacillation, resulting in the confirmation of the

election 254—5

Further endowment of the lady Margaret professorship . . 255 — 6

XXV111 CONTENTS.

PAGE

Election of Holdsworth (still a prisoner) to the Chair,

Sept. 1643 256

Endeavour of the university to secure the patronage of the

rectory of Terrington ib.

JOSEPH HALL, bishop of Norwich ......

The ACT OP SEQUESTRATION, March 1643

The university forbidden to admit Holdsworth to his Chair,

Oct. 1643 ib.

Concern manifested at Emmanuel 257

Operation of the Act of Sequestration in the university, Oct. 1643 258 Petition against the same by the authorities . . . ib.

The libraries and other property of some of the Heads

sequestered ......... ib.

.Rising against the Parliamentary party by the royalist townsmen,

Oct. 1645 259

CONTRAST PRESENTED BY AFFAIRS AT OXFORD, 1643-6 . . ib. Combined activity of town and gown in the defence . . ib. The customary academic routine to a great extent suspended 260 Ussher continues his labours both as a preacher and an editor ib.

HENRY FERNE of Trinity College ib.

His Resolving of Conscience 260 — 1

The book printed at the University Press, Dec. 1642 . 261 Holdsworth as licenser is summoned and imprisoned . . ib.

Ferae repairs to Oxford ib.

The fortunes of the two University Presses, at this juncture,

compared ib.

Conditions under which the different colleges continued to exist

at Oxford 261—2

Details relating to Balliol, Hart Hall, Lincoln, Oriel, New, All Souls, Corpus Christi, Christ Church, Trinity,

St John's, Jesus, Wadham 262—3

Further distractions lead to a proposal to open a Hall of residence for the students in London, such residence to count as tantamount to residence at either university 263 Petition of Trinity College, Cambridge, against the Sequestration

Act, as involving much suffering to the society at large 264 EDWARD MONTAGU, earl of Manchester, gives his support to

the petition, Dec. 1643 264—5

Declaration of Lords and Commons concerning college estates,

Jan. 1644 ib.

Manchester appointed financial controller of the university 265 — 6 Ordinance for the demolition or taking away of all monuments of superstition or idolatry throughout the kingdom, August 1643 266

CONTENTS. xxix

PAGE

The sole exception to same 266

WILLIAM DOWSING at Cambridge, Dec. 1643— Jan. 1644 . . 267

His VISITATION OF THE COLLEGES ib.

Peterhouse and Pembroke 267 8

His dispute with the fellows of the latter .... 268

Caius, Queens', and St Catherine's 269

Growing reputation of Dr Brownrig ib.

His temperate defence of Anglican observance . . . 270

Dowsing's visit to Corpus Christi ib.

The chapel spared, while St Benet's Church suffers severely 270 — 1 Destruction at Jesus, Clare, Trinity Hall, Trinity, St John's,

King's, Magdalene, Sidney and Emmanuel . . . 271 — 2 PARLIAMENTARY ORDINANCE FOR REGULATING THE UNIVERSITY,

Jan. 164| ib.

The Solemn League and Covenant to be tendered . . . 273

Warrants issued by Manchester ib.

The residential element in the colleges required to return to

Cambridge, Feb. 164| ib.

Ejections of five Heads, — COSIN, BEALE, MARTIN, STERNE

and LANEY 273 — 4

Appointment of Commissioners to tender the Covenant,

March 164| 275

General ejection of absentees ...... ib.

The alleged ' Oath of Discovery ' 276

The story rejected by Fuller ib.

Statement of Simeon Ashe 276 — 7

Death of young Oliver Cromwell, March 164| .... 277

Alleged ill-treatment of the Senate by Cromwell's delegate . 278

The tendering of the COVENANT ib.

Ejections consequent upon refusal to be distinguished from

those consequent upon refusal of the ENGAGEMENT . 278 — 9

Perjury involved in taking the Covenant .... 279

OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE SEQUESTRATIONS, 164f . . . 280 Owners of books allowed to repurchase them at their

estimated value ib.

Expulsion of Dr Cosin from Peterhouse .... 280 — 1

His ineffectual endeavour to conceal his library . . . 281 Lazarus Seaman obtains an order for its transfer to the

college 281—2

Election of Lazarus Seaman as master, April 1644 . . 282

Gradual ejection of the fellows, April 1644-5 . . . ib.

Joseph Beaumont, Richard Crashaw 282 — 3

Election to a fellowship of John Knightbridge, the founder

of the professorship .....•• 283

M. III. c

XXX CONTENTS.

Dr Fraucius alone escapes ejection ..... 283

Isaac Barrow, afterwards bishop of St Asaph . . . 284

Crashaw's life at Pembroke ........ ib.

His career at Peterhouse and afterwards .... 285

His description of the havoc wrought by Dowsing . . ib.

His death at Loretto 286

John Tolly's furniture ib.

Expulsions from CLARE HALL, Dr Paske, Barnabas Oley . . 287

PETER GUNNING ib.

Appeal of the royalist party in the Associated Counties to

the colleges to reject the Covenant .... ib.

Consequent appearance of The Certain Disquisitions, a Cam- bridge production edited by Gunning at Oxford . . 288 Ejections at PEMBROKE COLLEGE 289

Flight of Dr Laney ib.

Walter Balcanquhall, his tomb at Chirk 290

MARK FRANK (master, 1662-4) ib.

Robert Mapletoft (master, 1664-77) ib.

EDMUND BOLDERO 291

Fortunes of the remaining fellows . . . . . ib.

Installation of RICHARD VINES as master ib.

William Moses (master, 1655-60) ib.

Ejections at CAIUS COLLEGE 292

DR BATCHCROFT retains the mastership .... ib.

Additional grounds for ejection now brought forward . . ib.

Richard Watson 293

William Moore, afterwards university librarian . . . ib.

His ultimate resignation of his fellowship .... ib.

Changes at TRINITY HALL ib.

Death of Dr Eden, July 1645 294

John Selden declines the mastership ..... ib.

Election of Robert King ib.

His election set aside by the Commons .... 295

Election of John Bond ib.

Proceedings at CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE ib.

DR LOVE retains the mastership . . . . . . ib.

Ejections of Tunstal, Palgrave, and Heath .... 295 — 6

Appointment of Second Committee, Jan. 160| .... 296

BENJAMIN WHICHCOTE of Emmanuel ib.

His appointment to the provostship of King's College . 297

His generosity to COLLINS ib.

Retirement of the latter into private life .... ib.

His eminence alike as an administrator and a scholar . 297 — 8

Ejections at KING'S COLLEGE 298

CONTENTS. XXxi

PAGE

Expulsion of Dr Martin from QUEENS' COLLEGE .... 298

Sequestrations and numerous ejections 298 — 9

Ejections on account of ' other misdemeanours ' and for non- appearance

Fuller's account compared with that of Simon Patrick .

Installation of HERBERT PALMER as president .... Nathaniel Ingelo

Ejections at JESUS COLLEGE

Flourishing condition of the society

Ralph Blakestoue, Stephen Hall

Installation of THOMAS YOUNG as master

Numerous ejections and change in the character of the college

that ensued ......... ib.

Ejections at CHRIST'S COLLEGE ib.

MICHAEL HONYWOOD 303

Sequestration of his library in his absence at Utrecht . ib.

ST JOHN'S COLLEGE ib.

Installation of JOHN ARROWSMITH as master .... ib. Expulsions of Thomas Thornton, the president, Bodurda, the

Barwicks, W. Lacy, Bulkeley and John Otsvay . . 304 Otway's courageous opposition to the Associated Counties . ib.

JOHN CLEVELAND ib.

Recorded sequestrations 304 — 5

ST CATHERINE'S COLLEGE 305—6

Installation of WILLIAM SPURSTOWE as master in 1645, Dr Brown- rig's expulsion being delayed for a year . . . 305

Expulsions from MAGDALENE COLLEGE 306

DR EDWARD RAINBOWS, master, 1642-50 .... ib.

His success as a college tutor 306 — 7

High reputation of the college under his rule . . . 307 He retains the mastership but nine of the fellows are expelled 307 — 8

Richard Perrinchief . 308

John Saltmarsh ......... ib.

Expulsions from TRINITY COLLEGE ib.

DR COMBER ib.

Testimony borne to his merit by contemporaries . . 308 — 9

Herbert Thorndike 309

Impression produced by his first two Treatises . . . ib. His expulsion both from his fellowship and his living 309 — 10 Valuation of the property of some of the ejected . . 310 Dr Cheney Row, Dr Meredith, Abraham Cowley, Sir Thomas

Sclater ib.

His subsequent benefaction to the college .... 310 — 1 Recognition of the same by the society . . . . 311

c 2

XXX11 CONTENTS.

PAGE

The state of the college calls for the interference of

Parliament 311

Appointment of Medcalf and Pratt to senior fellowships . ib.

Changes among the scholars ....... 311 — 2

JOHN PELL at Amsterdam 312

Expulsions from EMMANUEL COLLEGE ib.

Holdsworth gives place to TUCKNEY in the mastership . ib.

His endeavour to propitiate the Commissioners . . . ib.

The sequestration of his library forbidden by Manchester . 312 — 3

Nicholas Hall redeems his own library .... 313

Sequestrations of Sorsby and Wells ..... ib. Ejections at SIDNEY COLLEGE 313 — 4

Robert Bertie and SETH WARD 313

Appearance of Seth Ward and Edward Gibson before the

Commissioners ......... 314

Subsequent experiences of the former 314—5

He succeeds John Greaves as Savilian professor of astronomy

at Oxford 315

DR JOHN WILKINS ib.

His friendship with Ward ib.

Joint influence of both at Wadham College and prosperity of

that society during this period ..... 316

Lawrence Rooke of King's migrates to Wadham, entering as a fellow-commoner, and there also becomes a friend of

Ward 316—7

The expelled and their successors, throughout the university,

compared 317

Considerations to be borne in mind in such a comparison . 317 — 8 The old and the new Heads contrasted 318

Vines and Laney as estimated by Crashaw .... ib.

Holdsworth compared with Tuckney ..... ib. Method of procedure in filling up the vacant fellowships . . 319

Examination of the candidates ib.

Promise made by those elected 320

Each succeeds to the status, as regards seniority, of the ejected

fellow ib.

Conditions which rendered the Covenant obnoxious to the univer- sities 320 — 1

Jasper Mayne, canon of Christchurch . . .' . 321

His attitude in relation to the Covenant .... ib.

His reason in briefest form for rejecting it . . . . 322 Cambridge Commencement of 1645 ib.

Circumstances which rendered the customary solemnities

impracticable ib.

CONTENTS. XXX111

PAGE

Parliament condemns the tenure of ecclesiastical sinecures in

conjunction with masterships 323

Consequent diminution in the value attached to such office 323 — 4

Representation made by Manchester in the House of Lords

on the subject 324

Remedy which he suggests ib.

The Heads petition that the colleges may be exempted from

taxation ib.

Ordinance to that eflect, 11 April 1645 .... ib. Fresh source of disunion resulting from divisions between Presby- terian and Independent ....... 324 — 5

Manchester supported by the Heads at Cambridge . . 325

His critical position ........ ib.

Sensation created by the news of the battles of Naseby and

Langport 325—6

Richard Baxter describes his visit to Cromwell's quarters . . 326 The town seeks to abolish the ancient privileges of the uni- versity 326—7

John Lowry, the mayor, refuses to take the customary oath . 327

The Heads appeal to Lords and Commons, August 1645 . ib.

They represent that the privileges of the university are

endangered by Lowry's action ...... ib.

Response of the Lords to the petition of the Heads . . 328

Counter petition of Lowry to the Commons . . . ib. Appointment of a COMMISSION to view the statutes of the univer- sity, Oct. 1645 329

Appointment of two new Committees . . . . . ib

Significance of the Parliamentary claim to visit . . 329 — 30 Further incidents in the contest between the university and the

mayor 330

The question of precedency between the vice-chancellor and

the mayor argued before the Lords, Feb. 164f . . . 330 — 1

The witnesses for the town fail to appear .... 331

Orders given by the Lords for the maintenance of the univer- sity in its rights and privileges, May 1647 . . . ib.

This order treated with contempt by Lowry's successor,

Sept. 1647 332

Growing contempt for OATHS as practically binding . . . 332 — 3

Perjury involved in the acceptance of the Covenant by univer- sity graduates ......... 333

Conduct of Kitchingman, the new mayor .... ib.

Scruples of Thomas Hill, master of Trinity, with respect to

his oath as vice-chancellor 333 — 4

His petition to the House of Lords, Nov. 1645 . . . 334

XXXIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

Appointment of Committee to consider the question of

corporate oaths, Sept. 1646 334

REPORTS of the two new Committees, Nov. 1645 . . . ib.

Conditions attached to elections to fellowships . . . ib.

The Heads required to preach at St Mary's . . . 335 PETITION of the university that Bancroft's books may be sent to

Cambridge ib.

Tardy assent of Parliament 335 — 6

Parliamentary grant towards the erection of a new Library,

March 164| 336

Dissent of the Lords, who, however, concur in a grant for the

purchase of a Hebrew library 337

Measures of reform introduced by the university authorities . ib.

Observance of the statutes still made binding by oath . ib.

Order given for the transcription of the Proctors' Books . ib.

Candidates for degrees forbidden to give or receive 'invita- tions,' April 1647 338

Renewed demonstrations of discontent 339

Consequent proceedings against Zachary Cawdry and George

Hutton .......... ib.

Recurrence of the Plague 339—40

CHAP. IV. THE COMMONWEALTH AND THE PROTECTORATE.

Abduction of the King by Joyce, June 1647 .... 341

His visit to Childerley Hall 342

Enthusiasm of the scholars ....... ib.

Growing ascendancy of the Independents ib.

The Judgement of the University of Oxford, June 1647 . 342 — 3 Irritation of the Puritan party at its publication . . 343 Conflict at Oxford between the garrison and the Presbyterian

soldiery, June 1647 344

The VISITATION AT OXFORD 344 — 9

Miscarriage of the first proceedings of the Visitors . . ib. Parliament fails to intervene on their behalf . . . ib. This probably attributable to the increasing influence of the

army 345

Appearance of Jasper Mayne's 'O^Xo^a^ta, June 1647 . . ib. His estimate of the crisis ib.

Commencement of the work of the Visitors .... 345 — 6 Importance of the results which they accomplished . . 346 Powers with which they were invested .... ib. The Judgement of the University denounced to the Visitors 346 — 7

CONTENTS. XXXV

PAGE

Anthony Wood's estimate of the principal Commissioners . . 347

Sir Nathaniel Brent, the two John Wilkinsons, Edward Reynolds, Christopher Rogers, Francis Cheynell and

Henry Wilkinson 347 — 8

John Conant leaves Oxford 349

Numerous defections from among the academic body to Rome . ib.

Stringent censorship of the two University Presses . . . ib.

Proposal for founding a university in London .... ib.

JEREMY TAYLOR, fellow of Caius College 350

Special importance of his Liberty of Prophesying . . ib.

JOHN HALL of St John's 351

His Horae Vacivae, 1646 ib.

Generous recognition of its merits shewn by members of the

university ib.

He turns satirist ......... 352

His Poems, 1646 and 1647 ib.

His effusive eulogies of his patrons ..... 352 — 3

Reassembling of the university on the cessation of the Plague. 353

Predominance of militarism in the town ..... ib.

Fray between students and soldiery ib.

Intervention of Parliament, June 1648 ..... 354

Temerity of Edward Byne, fellow of Caius ib.

Vehemence of the pulpit ib.

Paul Knell before the benchers of Gray's Inn .... ib.

Sermon by R. P. of St John's 355

He proclaims peace to be the indispensable remedy . . ib.

SAMUEL HAMMOND 356

His sermon on the victory at Preston, August 1648 . . ib.

The PEACE OF WESTPHALIA ib.

The university of Marburg during the Thirty Years' War . 357

Principles of religious freedom proclaimed both in Germany

and England . ib.

Charles at Newport sanctions another 'Act for regulating both the

universities' ......... 358

Acceptance of the ENGAGEMENT by the Council of State . . ib.

Scruples of Puritanism in relation to the King's execution ib.

Counter manifesto from Trinity College .... ib.

Tendering of the Engagement at the universities temporarily

postponed 359

Execution of the earl of Holland, March 164f .... ib.

His prayer on the scaffold for the university . . . ib. Election of Manchester as Holland's successor in the chancellor- ship 360

Value of his influence to protect the university . . . ib.

XXXVI CONTENTS.

PAGE

The university printers bound over not to print unlicensed books 360

Restrictions imposed on the press generally . . . 361

TRINITY HALL and Doctors' Commons ib.

Origin of their connexion ib.

Civilians and common lawyers 362

Encroachments of the latter on the province of the former ib.

Cromwell applies for a chamber for Dr Dorislaus, Dec. 1648 . ib. Career of Dorislaus after his dismissal from the Chair of

History 362—3

His share in the impeachment of the late King . . . 363

His assassination at the Hague, May 1649 .... ib.

Honour paid to his memory ib.

Letter from the Council to lady Brooke, Sept. 1649 . . 364

WILLIAM DELL ib.

His election to the mastership of Caius College, May 1649 ib. His qualifications for the post contrasted with those of his

predecessor ......... ib.

Circumstances of Batchcroft's election in 1626 . . . ib.

He retires from Cambridge 365

His previous career ib.

His relations with Cromwell ib.

Singularity of his views in relation to religious parties . 365 — 6

Probably elected as having influence in high quarters . 366 Significance of subsequent ejections of William Blanckes

and Charles Scarborough ...... 366 — 7

William Harvey, John Greaves, and Seth Ward . . . 367 Milton becomes Latin secretary to the Council of State,

March 1649 367—8

Colloquial Latin made obligatory on the colleges of both

universities ......... 368

Subscription to the ENGAGEMENT now made obligatory at the

universities, October 1649 369

The former Oath superseded by a simple promise . . ib.

Alarm excited by its indefiniteness ib.

It supersedes the Covenant but exposes the acceptor to the

risk of perjury ......... 370

It is denounced by Prynne and by Baxter .... ib.

John Hall demands a Reformation of the Universities . . 371 He points out that they are being left behind by those on

the Continent ......... ib.

His criticism compared with that of Bacon .... ib.

He holds the Cambridge methods obsolete as regards the

teaching of Latin, Greek, Logic and Ethics . . . 372

Pronounces the professoriate both inefficient and inadequate ib.

CONTENTS. XXXV11

PAGE

He complains (a) of the want of provision for teaching

Chemistry, Anatomy, Botany and Mathematics . . 372 (6) of the neglect of History and of Chronology . . . 373 (c) of the absence of competent and experienced teachers . ib.

He insists on a more reasonable interpretation of the

designs of benefactors 374

Recognition extended to his efforts by the Council of State ib. He accompanies Cromwell to Scotland and receives a pension ib. His probable obligations both to Milton and to Hartlib . 374 — 5

Election of Cromwell to the chancellorship of Oxford, Feb. 165^ 375

The Engagement, at first, not pressed in the university, in pur- suance of Cromwell's promise at Cambridge, June 1650 ib. His changed tone after the victory at Dun bar . . . 375 — 6

EJECTIONS CONSEQUENT UPON THE TENDERING OF THE ENGAGE- MENT, Nov. 1650-1651 ib.

Peterhouse, Clare, Pembroke, Caius ..... ib.

Trinity Hall, Corpus Christi 377

Three classes of refusers 377 — 8

Their successors all Independents 378

KING'S COLLEGE 378 — 9

Financial condition of the society ib.

Christopher Wase, HENRY MOLLE 379

Form of admission to scholarships prescribed by the London

Committee ......... ib.

QUEENS' COLLEGE 380

Thomas Horton appointed president, Sept. 1648 . . . ib.

Ejection of two fellows ib.

ST CATHERINE'S HALL ib.

JOHN LIGHTFOOT succeeds Spurstowe ..... ib. His profound scholarship combined with enlightened tolerance 380 — 1 Disorganized condition of the society 381

JESUS COLLEGE 381 — 2

JOHN WORTHINGTON elected master, Nov. 1650 . . . 381 John Sherman, the first new fellow ..... 382

His Historia Collegii lesu ....... ib.

Mr Arthur Gray's criticism of the work .... ib.

CHRIST'S COLLEGE 382 — 3

Smallness of the royalist element . .... 382

HENRY MORE 382—3

RALPH WIDDRINGTON 383

ST JOHN'S COLLEGE 383 — 4

Henry Paman, M.D 383

His letter to Sancroft 383—4

MATTHEW ROBINSON 384

XXXV111 CONTENTS.

PAGE

MAGDALENE COLLEGE ... 384 — 5

Expulsion of DR RAINBOWE 384

Installation of JOHN SADLER 384 — 5

Divergent opinions as to his merits 384

Ejections of Richard Perrinchief and John Howorth . . 385

TRINITY COLLEGE ib.

Peter Samways, John Rhodes 385 — 6

Humfrey Babington (S.T.P. 1669) 386

Onerous requirements originally imposed for the degree

of B.D 386—7

Dr Babington is invited to preach at the Lincoln Assizes, 1678 387 Illustration afforded by his Discourse of the pulpit oratory

of the divine of that period ...... ib,

Views maintained in the Westminster Assembly with regard

to pulpit oratory 388

Objection taken by Palmer to quotations 'in strange languages' ib. Admiration of country congregations for the same . . ib.

Experience of professor Pococke at Childrey . . . 388 — 9 Dr Babington's assize sermon at Lincoln . . . 389 — 90 He prints it at the request of the Judges .... 390 His benefaction to Trinity ib.

EMMANUEL COLLEGE 390—1

Wm. Sancroft's letter to his brother Thomas . . . ib.

His ultimate ejection from his fellowship .... 391

Election of Thomas Brainford, Carter, Illingworth and

Mosley .......... ib.

William Croone ......... ib.

SIDNEY COLLEGE 392

Example set by Dr Minshull of prompt submission . . ib.

Ejections of refusers of the Engagement as late as 1654 . . ib.

Ejections on other grounds ib.

THE EPISODE AT PETERHOUSE 392— -416

The early monastic rule and that of Peterhouse compared . ib.

Similarity in the requirements with respect to the election

of a Head 393

The smaller the society the greater the necessity for an

autocracy 393 — 4

The master's claim to a negative voice practically conceded

at Peterhouse after 1644 394

The system of probation fellowships 394 — 5

Condition of the college in 1644 395

The newly-elected fellows examined in London . . . ib.

Seaman endeavours to abolish the ' probation ' stage . . ib.

Objections raised by the senior fellows 396

CONTENTS. XXXIX

PAGE

Parliament authorizes an increase in the stipends of Heads of

Colleges 396

Particulars of the distribution of the sum allotted . . 396 — 7

Trinity and Peterhouse unmentioned 397

Point of view from which LAZARUS SEAMAN probably regarded

his own position ib.

The times not favorable to autocracies ib.

CHARLES HOTHAM, intruded fellow of Peterhouse, June 1644 . 398 Circumstances which had led to his adoption of an academic life 398 — 9

Lazarus Seaman's early career 399

His skill as a controversialist ib.

His reputation in the Westminster Assembly . . . ib. His installation at Peterhouse by Manchester, April 1644 . 400

His frequent absence from the college ib.

Adoniram Byfield 400 — 1

The story of Tobias Conyers 401

Hotham's endeavours to bring about his promotion . . 402 He obtains for him, in the absence of the master, the office of

chapel clerk ......... ib.

Indignation of Seaman on his return ..... ib.

Conyers's reckless conduct 402 — 3

He is flogged and sent down 403

His penitence ib.

He is re-admitted in the following Lent Term . . . ib. Irregular appropriation of fellowship dividends . . . ib.

Seaman and Hotham are summoned before the London

Committee 404

The latter affirms that delay in filling up the vacant fellowship

is unstatutable ib.

Conyers is elected to the fellowship by a majority of the

fellows . 405

The London Committee annul the election and substitute

Heywood, the master's nominee 405 — 6

Hotham denounces Heywood as disqualified and publishes

his Petition, May 1651 406

He maintains the validity of the college statutes . . ib. He eulogizes the design of Parliament in appointing a

Commission 406 — 7

He expresses his apprehension lest that design should be

frustrated by the master and his supporters . . 407 He represents the case as urgent and makes further allegations

against Seaman 407 — 8

He pleads for more stringent provisions as regards the

master's authority 408

xl CONTENTS.

PAGE

Seaman suggests that Hothaui's Petition should be dealt with

by the newly appointed Visitors 408 — 9

Hotham resolves on bringing the whole story respecting

Conyers under the notice of the public .... 409 He argues that a college statute cannot be set aside by a

later statute of the university .... 409 — 10 His disparaging estimate of the Elizabethan statutes as

virtually drawn up by the Heads . . . . . 410 He commends the Heads for their moderation in the exercise

of a negative voice, to which Peterhouse offers the sole

exception .......... 411

A college rightly regarded is a corporation modelled on a

limited monarchy ib.

Dr Seaman, being rarely in residence, is the least entitled to

a negative voice 411 — 2

The London Committee resent Hotham's recourse to publi- cation 412

He is expelled from his fellowship, May 1651 . . . ib.

His censors and supporters compared 412 — 4

Formal testimony of the latter in his favour . . . 414

The so-called Latitudinarian party active in his support . ib. Hotham proceeds to publish his Corporations Vindicated,

making his appeal to Parliament 415

He brings forward grave accusations against Dr Seaman as

an administrator, and exposes his deficiencies as a

Latinist .......... 415 — 6

CROMWELL inclines to favour a change in the form of government ib. Sir Thomas Widdrington's suggestion with regard to the restoration

of monarchy 417

Parallel between the College and the Commonwealth . . ib.

Hotham seeks to retire into a contemplative life . . ib.

He is presented to the rectory of Wigan .... ib.

He and his brother embrace the doctrines of Jacob Boehme . 418

Boehme's conception of the religious life .... ib.

His aim, the abolition of religious controversies . . . ib. The evils by which such controversies were attended now

result in a proposal to abolish the universities themselves ib. The scholastic method especially called in question . 419 — 20

RENE DESCARTES 420

His early associations ib.

His desire to propitiate the Sorbonne rendered impracticable

by his attitude towards the scholastic logic . . . 421 His sympathy with the Jesuit body alienates him from the

university of Paris 421 — 2

CONTENTS. xli

Statutes of the university (of 1598), whereby the chief

authority is vested in the Crown 422

Expulsion of the Jesuits from Paris ib.

Jealousy with which they were regarded by the university

teachers .......... ib.

Descartes' high opinion of their system of education . . 423 Aversion of the Calvinists of the Reformed churches from

the Order 423 — 4

Despairing of Paris, Descartes aims at founding a school in

some other university ....... 424

This probably his actuating motive in deciding to settle in

the United Provinces . ib.

Comparative freedom there conceded to theological speculation 424 — 5 Characteristic features of Amsterdam, Franeker, Deventer

and Utrecht 425—6

Foundation of the UNIVERSITY OF UTRECHT, March 1636 . . 426

GISBERTUS VOETIUS 426 — 7

Luke Couterel's Act for the degree of B.D., Feb. 1636 . 427

His defence of ' Elenchtic ' as a means of arriving at clearer

conceptions of the doctrines of the Faith . . . 427 — 8

Arrival of Descartes in Utrecht 428

Voetius appointed to the Chair of Theology in the new

university .......... 429

Terms in which Descartes refers to the scholastic logic . ib. Progress of his doctrines among the students . . . ib. His disciples Reneri and Regius ..... 429 — 30

Aristotle's entire philosophy impugned in the schools of

Utrecht 430

Voetius proceeds to a formal condemnation of Descartes'

teaching .......... ib.

Voetius and Descartes compared . . . . . . 431

THOMAS HOBBES 432

His agreement with Descartes as regards the defects of university

education .......... ib.

Appearance of his Leviathan, June 1651 ..... 432 — 3

He deprecates both the idolatry of Aristotle and the deference

paid to his commentators ...... 433

The barbarous Latinity of the latter . . . . ib.

The text-books used in the universities the means whereby

the clergy enslave the minds of students . . . 433 — 4 The universities of Papal origin ...... 434

Robert Parsons of Balliol College . ib.

His Memorial of the Reformation of England . . . 434 — 5 His criticisms of Oxford and Cambridge .... 435

xlii CONTENTS.

PAGE

His proposal for holding a GRAND DISPUTATION, whereby irregular disputations on religious questions should be

permanently superseded ....... 435

Results which he expected would follow .... 435 — 6

He pleads for the abolition of the Oaths required in the

academic course 436

He deprecates the endeavour of the colleges to supply all the

lectures which their members are required to attend . ib.

He pleads for the revival of the canon law .... ib. He points out the necessity for additional lectures and other

faculties 437

Disparaging language in which he is described by his editor . ib.

The real reasonableness of the Jesuit criticism . . . ib.

Act for the better Propagation of the Gospel, 23 May 1651 . 437 — 8

The Fur Praedestinatus, 1651 438

Thomas Smith's translation of Dailies Right Use of the Fathers,

1651 438—9

Extent to which Daille" held the Patristic literature relevant to contemporary controversies and consequently still to

be studied 439

Relations between the university and the INDEPENDENTS . . 440

The exiles in Rotterdam ib.

State of religious parties in that city, circ. 1639 . . . ib.

The church at Arnheim 441

THOMAS GOODWIN, Philip Nye, Sidrach Simpson, Jeremiah

Burroughs, William Bridge ib.

The APOLOGETICALL NARRATION ib.

Heylin's description of the movement 442

Hugh Peters of Trinity College ib.

His Short Covenant drawn up at Rotterdam . . . ib.

He sails for Boston and is succeeded by William Bridge . 443

Variance between Bridge and Simpson ib.

Return of the latter to England ib.

The church at Aruheim and its harsh treatment of Ward . ib.

THOMAS EDWARDS of Queens' ib.

His compulsory recantation at Cambridge .... 444

Opinions passed on him by his contemporaries . . . ib.

His Antapoloyia ......... ib.

His Gangraena 445

His depreciatory estimate of the exiles in Holland . . ib.

Appointment of Simpson to the mastership of Pembroke . . 446

Roger Williams publishes his Hireling Ministry .... 447

CHRIST'S COLLEGE in 1653 ib.

JOSEPH SEDGWICK ib.

CONTENTS. xliii

PAGE

His sermon at Great St Mary's, May 1653 .... 447 His reply to Dell, in which he defends learning as necessary

for the divine 448

His plea for the laying aside of theological strife . . ib. He defines the position of the Independent party . . 449 His main argument in defence of university training . . ib. His denunciation of f enthusiasm ' and challenge to its up- holders ib.

Dangers attendant upon a claim to supernatural powers at

this time 450

Sedgwick's defence of the Reformation as the outcome of a

more advanced scholarship ib.

He contrasts the pseudo-philosophy of the Sects with that

derived from the study of Nature ..... 451

He defends the state of discipline in Cambridge . . . ib.

SIDRACH SIMPSON'S Commencement sermon, July 1653 . . 452 He maintains that Christian doctrine relies for its exposition

and defence on an educated and learned clergy . . ib.

Endeavour of William Dell to confute Simpson's 'errors'. . 453

His appeal chiefly to popular prejudice .... ib.

He denounces all teaching of the Gospel ' according to Aristotle ' 454

He cites the example set by the early Reformers . . ib. His misconception with respect to the Protestant universities

abroad .......... ib.

Dell's own proposals in connexion with a Right Reformation

of Learning 455

New schools to be founded throughout the country ; in which

the vernacular is to be taught and the Bible read . ib. Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to be studied in the larger

schools ib.

Logic not without its use if kept within reasonable limits 456

Mathematics of high value as bearing upon practical matters ib.

The studies of physic and law require to be reformed . ib. He deprecates the monopoly of higher education claimed by

Oxford and Cambridge 456—7

JOHN WEBSTER 457

Probably a student for a short time at Cambridge . . . ib.

He pleads for a more systematic attention to medical studies . ib. Dedicates his Academiarum Examen to General Lambert, an

active supporter of Cromwell 458

Chief points in the Examen &

Objection taken to the use of Latin as the medium of dis- putations in the schools 459

The neglect of mathematical studies ib.

xliv CONTENTS.

General supineness of the professoriate, to whom he holds up

Harvey, Gilbert and Descartes as examples for imitation . 459

Emphatic praise of Brinsley and Oughtred .... ib. REPLIES of Dr Wilkins and Seth Ward in their Vindiciae

Academiarum 460

Ward's position at Oxford at this time .... ib.

His qualifications for forming an opinion on university

questions compared with those of Webster . . . 461 WILKINS'S description of Webster ib.

His comments on the Examen ...... ib.

Remarkable progress of mathematical studies already observ- able at Oxford under Ward and Wallis . . . 462

JOHN WALLIS of Emmanuel, his departure from Cambridge in consequence of the decline of mathematics in the university ......... ib.

Webster shewn to be equally at fault with respect to the deference still paid to Aristotle, and the actual state of mathematical studies ib.

And also as regards ignorance with respect to the attention bestowed at Oxford on Cryptography and a nascent

Esperanto 462 — 3

WARD'S share in the criticism of the Examen . 464

He compares Webster to Don Quixote, as attacking non- existent abuses, and singles out special points with respect to which he is altogether wrong, e.g. the actual value attached to the authority of Aristotle, he, however, par- tially admits the neglect of mathematics .... 464 — 5

Cry raised at this time by the advocates of Natural Science

studies 465

Ward's own ideal of a University, as that of an institution which concedes to the student freedom of choice in the subjects which he takes up ...... 466

THOMAS HALL 467

His Histnomastix ......... ib.

His confusion of the two Websters ..... ib.

His Vindiciae Litterarum 468

Ward's criticism of Hobbes ib.

His description of Dell, whose aspersions on the state of

discipline in the universities he repudiates . . . ib.

He affirms the universities to be the outcome of the

national will and pleasure 469

The circumstances under which the Vindiciae were written, as described by Gardiner, Wood, Colonel Sydenham and other writers 469 — 70

CONTENTS. xlv

Dissolution of the Short Parliament by Cromwell, 12 Dec.

1653 470

He describes the future policy of the Government with

respect to preachers ib.

The peril which the universities had outlived described by

their respective vice-chancellors 471

The repeal of the Engagement followed by Cromwell's Pro- clamation of religious freedom 472

Death of DE HILL, master of Trinity ib.

His friendship with Tuckney ...... ib.

Intimacy of both with John Cotton ib.

Hill's reputation as a tutor at Emmanuel and a preacher

in London 473

His succession to the mastership of Trinity, April 1645 . . ib.

His stringent discipline ib.

Punishment of JOHN DRYDEN 474

His character as a student ib.

Resentment to which the poet afterwards gave expression

when receiving his degree at Oxford .... ib. The Prayer Book, to Hill's annoyance, again used in the

college chapel ib.

JOHN ABROWSMITH succeeds to the mastership of Trinity, 1653 475

His previous experiences at St John's ib.

His genius naturally combative 476

His Tactica Sacra ......... ib.

His appointment as Regius professor of Divinity and also

as a Commissioner ........ ib.

Necessary occasional absence from college consequent upon

the latter office ib.

His Orationes Anti- Weigelianae delivered at the Cambridge Com- mencement, 1655 477

VALENTINE WEIGEL, 1533-88 477—9

Mark Friedrich Wendelin (1584-1652), rector of Anhalt . 478 His exposure of the revolutionary tendency of Weigel's

teaching with respect to the universities ... ib. Arrowsmith reads aloud some of the passages quoted by

Wendelin to his Cambridge audience .... ib. Weigel had taught that a truly religious life was impossible

in a university ........ t'6.

Close resemblance between the hostility of the Weigelians to

universities and that entertained by Dell and other writers 479 Arrowsmith's criticisms really aimed at the Fifth Monarchy

Men, whose denunciation of wealth was another doctrine

which they held in common with the Weigelians . ib.

M. in. d

xlvi CONTENTS.

This feature in their teaching satirized in the Cuique Suum,

a publication of the University Press in 1635 . . 480 — 1 Sense of the gravity of the crisis shewn alike at Oxford

and at Cambridge 481

Other matters referred to by Arrowsmith ib.

Sancroft's library already on the university shelves . . ib. He suggests that the controversy between Cambridge and Oxford as to their comparative antiquity should be

dropped 482

He denies the relevancy of the language of the early Re- formers to existing conditions at the English universities ib. The PEACE WITH HOLLAND and the Oliva Pads . . . 483 Cromwell's Ordinance for the Visitation of the Universities, Sept. 1654 484 His endeavour to institute a more comprehensive standard

of orthodoxy ib.

His design compared with that of Whitgift and that of Laud 485 Difficulties involved in the constitution of the two COM- MISSIONS now appointed ib.

Full visitatorial powers conferred on the Heads . . . 486

The chief external Visitors at Oxford and at Cambridge . 486 — 7 Disadvantage under which they laboured when compared

with the residential element 487

Wide scope of their instructions ...... ib.

Opposition raised at Oxford to the involved invasion of the

rights of College Visitors 488

Decline of the controversial spirit in 1655 ..... 489

Noteworthy productions of scholars at Cambridge and elsewhere ib.

Walton's Polyglot 489—93

BRIAN WALTON 490

His prospectus of the Work 490 — 1

Death of Ussher, March 165f 491

His place as editor taken by Thorndike .... ib.

Special qualifications of the latter for the task . . . 492

Death of Wheelock iu London, Sept. 1653 . . . . ib.

Success that attended the labours of the translators . . 493

ROBERT BAILLIE of Glasgow 494

His cousin and correspondent, William Spang . . . ib. His concern at hearing how scholarship in the United

Provinces is devoting itself to theological controversy . 494 — 5

He asks Spang to send him the works of Voetius . . 495

His approval of Voetius's method ib.

His letter to Voetius 496

He urges him to put forth a trustworthy compendium of

Christian philosophy ib.

CONTENTS. xlvii

PAGE

Reply of Voetius who reports that Cartesian doctrines are

fast spreading in Holland 497

Baillie's description of the state of the Scotch universities 498

His dissatisfaction with Cromwell's Proclamation . . ib.

His displeasure at the claims advanced at Aberdeen to a

superior antiquity ........ 498 — 9

His admiration of the labours of Walton and his fellow

.translators . . " 499

Objections to the Polyglot raised by John Owen . . ib.

Walton's rejoinder to same 500

Baillie expresses his hope that Walton may obtain an

adequate reward ib.

RESULTS OF THE COMMISSION OF 1654 501 — 9

The debate in Parliament, April 1657 501

The Commissioners accused of having exceeded their instruc- tions ........... ib.

The Heads still claim a 'negative voice' .... ib.

They solicit payment of their respective augmentations . 502 — 3

Their requests are acceded to, while they are invited to give

stricter attention to the duties of the Mastership . . 503

Instances of non-residence of Heads at Caius and Peter- house ib.

Non -residence partly justified by members in the House . 503 — 4

Objections taken to extension of the time for which the

Commission had been appointed 504

Doubts expressed with regard to the authority of Parliament

in the question 504 — 5

The Presbyterian party propose that the Oxford Commission

should be annulled 505

Dissatisfaction caused by its endeavours to suppress ' corrupt

elections ' in the colleges ib.

The feud at Jesus College, Oxford 506

Expulsion of Dr Roberts, the principal, by the fellows . ib.

Although reinstated by the Visitors, he ultimately resigns . 507

The obligations imposed by the College Oath sometimes clash

with the requirements of the Commissioners . . . 508

Oxford wearied out by the protracted Visitation . . . ib.

John Owen gives place to Conant ...... 508 — 9

Absence in the Cambridge colleges of abuses that call for the

intervention of the Visitors 509

SIR SAMUEL MORLAND and the massacre of the Vaudois in

Piedmont 509—12

His career prior to his mission to the Duke of Savoy . ib.

He gains the notice of Thurloe aud of Ussher . . . 510 — 1

xlviii CONTENTS.

PAGE

Cromwell appoints Morland his envoy to the Courts of France

and Turin 511

Morland next appears as the English resident at Geneva . ib.

His History of the Piedmontese Churches .... 511 — 2

His return to England where he is appointed Thurloe's

secretary 512

He publishes his History and presents his manuscript collec- tion to the university library 513

WILLIAM MOORE, university librarian, 1653-9 .... ib.

His funeral sermon by Thomas Smith, his successor, testify- ing to his attainments and devotion to his official

duties 513 — 4

Morland's collection becomes subsequently lost sight of for

more than a century 514

CROMWELL'S popularity now on the wane ib.

He resigns the chancellorship of Oxford and is succeeded by

his son Richard 515

His death, 3 Sept. 1658 ib.

The Lucius et Oratulatio 515 — 9

Contrasts observable in the contributions by seniors and

juniors, and in those from Sidney and those from King's 516 — 7 INSTANCES OF INTERFERENCE IN ELECTIONS TO FELLOWSHIPS

DURING THE PROTECTORATE 519 — 21

BENJAMIN ROGERS admitted bachelor in music in compliance

with Oliver's mandate 520

His subsequent popularity as a composer of cathedral music . ib.

Joseph Seaman recommended by Oliver for a fellowship at

Peterhouse, June 1658 ib.

The Protector recalls his recommendation on learning that

the vacancy had already been filled up . . . . 520 — 1 RICHARD CROMWELL sends order for election of Martin Pindar to

a fellowship at Queens' 521

His assumption that, by virtue of his Protectorship, he stands

in the place of Visitor ib.

Consequent election of Joseph Seaman to the fellowship at

Peterhouse 521 — 2

Richard's chief aim to carry out his father's designs, especially

that of constituting Durham College a university . . 522

Both universities petition against the latter measure . . ib.

The result, as described by Anthony Wood .... 523 Revival of the proposal for an agreement between the Anglican

and Presbyterian bodies 524

EDWARD STILLINGFLEET and his Irenicum .... ib.

THE CRISIS OF 1659 ib.

CONTENTS. xlix

PAGE

Milton's views distinguished from those of Cromwell . . 524 Resolution of Parliament respecting the universities . . 525 Abdication of Richard Cromwell, May 1659. . . . ib. Milton publishes his Considerations touching the removal of

Hirelings 525 — 6

His appeal to Parliament to deliver the country from the

oppression of the clergy 526

He denounces the education of the latter at the universities

as radically wrong 526 — 7

His apparent ignorance of the real state of the universities at

this time 527

His representations as regards Oxford contravened by

Clarendon 527—8

And as regards Cambridge by evidence afforded by the

colleges themselves 528

THE HEADS, 1650-9 528—36

Influence of ANTHONY TUCKNEY, master of St John's . . ib. Baker testifies to his merits as an administrator and also to

those of Arrowsmith 528 — 9

Tuckuey's special qualifications 529

His sympathy with certain members of the Latitudinarian

party . 529—30

His personal regard for Whichcote and for Culverwel . 530

His maxim in elections to fellowships ib.

His disclaimer of all pretension to interpret prophecy . ib. Importance attached to his opinion by other scholars . 531 BENJAMIN WHICHCOTE, provost of King's, and JOHN WORTH-

INGTON, master of Jesus 531 — 2

The two contrasted 532

THEOPHILUS DILLINGHAM, master of Clare .... ib. John Tillotson, his assiduity as college tutor . . . 532 — 3

WILLIAM MOSES, master of Pembroke 533

DR JOHN BOND, master of Trinity Hall .... ib.

THOMAS HOKTON, president of Queens' ib.

His special merits as a preacher 533 — 4

JOHN LIGHTFOOT, master of St Catherine's .... 534

RALPH CDDWORTH, master of Christ's ib.

WILLIAM DILLINGHAM, master of Emmanuel . . . 534 — 5

Decline of discipline at Emmanuel *'&•

Sidney College under Dr Minshull 535

DR LOVE at Corpus Christi • »'&•

Insufficiency of means for enabling promising students to prolong

their studies at the university 535 — 6

MATTHEW POOLE of Emmanuel 536

1 CONTENTS.

PAGE

He pleads with the merchants of London to come to the aid

of the universities 536

His appeal seconded by Richard Baxter .... ib. Response of the Presbyterian party both in London and in

the provinces . 537

Poole's scheme, as set forth in his Model (1658) . . . ib. Forty students to be enabled to study at the university for

seven years 537 — 8

Attention to be given in the colleges to the formation of the

student's character 538

The aim in view in instituting extempore prayers . . 538 — 9 Objections urged against same by Richard Samways of Oxford 539 GRACES of 1647, for the revision of academic OATHS, requiring that 539 — 40 (a) a printed copy of his Oath should be given to each

student on his matriculation 540

(6) relieving those convicted of any breach of the statutes

from the imputation of perjury ib.

Grounds on which Richard Samways approves the innovation 541 His estimate of university Oaths in general . . . ib. Many of the inferior clergy continue to subscribe the Articles

of the Church and thereupon receive canonical ordination 542 Dr Venn's observations on the evidence to this effect afforded

by the Registers of the diocese of London . . . 542 — 3 Similar evidence afforded by the Registers of the diocese of

Norwich .......... 543

Instances of members of colleges thus specially pledged . 543 — 4 Absence of corresponding records at Ely .... 543

Inference to be drawn from foregoing evidence . . . 545 The ceremony of ORDINATION unrecognized by the State under the

Commonwealth ib.

Check placed, in 1654, on the exercise of patronage, in relation to

livings, by the institution of TRIERS and the appointment

of a Commission of Ejectors 545 — 6

Teachers of ' Popish opinions ' and users of the Common

Prayer Book declared liable to ejection .... 546 Renewal in 1659 of the attack upon the universities . . . ib. Appointment of Dr Wilkins to the mastership of Trinity . . ib. Subsequent enactment of more stringent requirements in

the B.A. examinations as conducted in the college . 546 — 7 Election of Seth Ward to the presidency of Trinity College, Oxford 546 CHANGES CONSEQUENT UPON THE RESTORATION .... 547 — 8 The Presbyterian and the Independent as described by

Anthony, Wood and Richard Baxter .... ib. The new movements in philosophy 548

CONTENTS. If

CHAP. V. THE RESTORATION.

PAGE

Declaration by Parliament of its design to uphold the universities 549 PEPYS' visit to Cambridge ib.

He revisits Magdalene and is entertained by Thomas Hill . 550

He finds that 'the old preciseness' has disappeared . . ib.

He dines at Christ's College 551

Appointment of MONCK as general-in-chief ib.

Town and university elections for the Convention Parliament . 551 — 3

Result of the university poll 552

The vice-chancellor's letter to Monck ib.

Monck's reply, preferring to represent his native county . ib. Letter of Dr Edward Martin from Paris, Apr. 1660 ... 553

His exultation at hearing that Monck designs the restoration

of the Stuart Monarchy ....... ib.

PROCEEDINGS AT CAMBRIDGE ON THE PROCLAMATION OF THE KING,

10-12 May 1660 554

The assembling at the Cross on Market Hill . . . ib.

Proceedings of the Town authorities 555

The King proclaimed at six different places in the town . ib.

Reappearance of the square cap 555 — 6

Duport declares that the circle has at last been squared . ib. Manchester restored to the chancellorship, May 1660 . . 556 The DEPUTATION TO WHITEHALL ib.

Charles promises to maintain the universities in their

privileges .......... ib.

Indiscriminate bestowal of mandate degrees .... 557 — 8

Thomas Fuller, being among those created D.D., pays his last

visit to Cambridge 558

SERMON at Great St Mary's by DR SPENCER, 28 June 1660 . 559

His plea for Kingship as conducive to the welfare of the

universities 559 — 60

His denunciation of assassination 560

Charles's prudent designs with regard to his Household . . 560 — 1 Decision of the university to reinstate the Crown in possession of

the fee-farm rents ........ 561 — 3

Grace for this purpose, 19 July 1660 562—3

Formal tender of the rents by Dr Love to the King . . 563 Dr Love's installation as dean of Ely ib.

His death, January 166£ ib.

Endeavour of Masters to exculpate him from the charge of

being wanting in loyalty to the Church . . . 564 Assembling of the new Parliament, March 1660-1 . . . ib.

hi CONTENTS.

Meeting of the SAVOY CONFERENCE, 15 April 1661 . . . 564

CHANGES IN THE HEADSHIPS 564 — 86

Enquiry instituted by the Visitor at PETERHOUSE, and flight

of Lazarus Seaman 564

COSIN re-installed as master, but resigns soon after on his

appointment to the see of Durham .... 565

His consecration at Westminster ib.

Admission of BERNARD HALE as master, Nov. 1660 . . ib.

His death, April 1663 ib.

His benefactions to the college 565 — 6

Kesignation of WM. MOSES at PEMBROKE COLLEGE . . . 566

Re-installation of Dr Laney ....... ib.

His sufferings in exile ........ ib.

He is rewarded by both a deanery and a bishopric . . 566 — 7

Eeturn of DR BATCHCROFT to CAIUS COLLEGE .... 567

DR ROBERT KING re-elected to mastership of TRINITY HALL . ib. CIRCUMSTANCES OF DR WHICHCOTE'S RETIREMENT FROM THE

PROVOSTSHIP OF KING'S . . . . . . 567 — 70

JAMES FLEETWOOD (afterwards bishop of Worcester) . . 568 He objects that Whichcote is statutably disqualified for

re-election and is himself nominated by Charles . . ib. Arguments to the contrary adduced by Whichcote and his

supporters ib.

Fleetwood's deserts as estimated by Charles . . . 569

He is refused admission at the Lodge by Whichcote's servants ib. Whichcote ultimately surrenders up possession and leaves

Cambridge 570

Circumstances of the re-installation of DR MARTIN at QUEENS'

COLLEGE ib.

Re-election of the majority of the fellows .... 571 Dr Martin's indignation on surveying the havoc wrought in

the chapel ib.

He determines to petition Parliament for redress . . ib. His appointment to the deanery of Ely, shortly followed by

his death, Apr. 1662 ib.

Position of DR WORTHINGTON at JESUS COLLEGE . . . 572 His assiduity as rector of Fen Ditton, where he is succeeded

by Dr Hales ib.

Dr Sterne is re-installed in the mastership .... ib,

Worthington removes from his Lodge to Fen Ditton . . ib. Ultimate appointment of JOHN PEARSON as master of the

college 574

His previous career at Eton and at King's .... ib.

His sermon in defence of Forms of Prayer, June 1643 . 574 — 5

CONTENTS. Hii

PAGE

His lectureship at St Clement's, Eastcheap .... 575

His Exposition of the Creed, 1659 576

His sermons well suited to a city audience .... ib.

He dedicates the published volume to his parishioners . ib.

Value of his marginalia ........ ib.

At ST JOHN'S COLLEGE, TUCKNEY is called upon to resign both mastership and professorship on the ground of his advanced age ......... 577

His retirement to London and subsequent experiences . 577 — 8

He is succeeded in the mastership by Peter Gunning . 578 DE GUNNING'S previous election to the mastership of Corpus . ib.

His admission as master of St John's, June 1661 . . 579 Re-installation of DE RAINBOWE in the mastership of MAGDALENE ib.

His appointment to the bishopric of Carlisle, 1664 . . ib. DE WILKINS at TEINITY COLLEGE ib.

His general popularity and wide sympathies . . 579 — 80

Circumstances which render Charles unable to retain him*

in office 580

DE HENBY FEBNE at Oxford ib.

His second edition of the Resolving of Conscience, 1643 . ib.

The mastership of Trinity long before promised him by Charles i, to whom he had acted as chaplain at Carisbrooke . . . . . . . . . 581

His subsequent retirement into Yorkshire and return to

pamphleteering ib.

His appointment to the mastership by Charles n . . ib.

His sound judgement as administrator of Trinity and as

vice-chancellor, 1660-1 ib.

His consecration to the bishopric of Chester . . . ib.

His death, March 1662 ; 581—2

His funeral at Westminster Abbey ib.

Appointment of WILLIAM SANCEOFT to the mastership of EM- MANUEL, August 1662 582—3

He holds that the college must 'divest itself of its former

singularity' 583

His letter to Ezekiel Wright, describing his impressions on

his return 583 — 4

He holds that a new chapel and a new library are especially

needed, and proposes to rebuild both .... 584

He laments the low standard of attainments, the large influx of 'foreigners,' and the neglect of Hebrew and Greek 584-5

Wright in reply deprecates the revival of the statute de Mora,

with respect to which nothing further is done . . 585

liv CONTENTS.

PAGE

Inadequate revenues the chief difficulty of Emmanuel at

this juncture 585 — 6

The University as Bancroft saw it 586

The ACT OF UNIFORMITY, May 1662 587

Language of Clarendon on his election to the chancellorship

of Oxford, Oct. 1660 ib.

Pearson announces his design, as professor, of reverting to the

method of the Schoolmen ib.

The reaction in England compared with that in France . - . ib.

The CAMBRIDGE PLATONISTS 588—662

Passages from John Sherman's Commonplaces in Trinity

College Chapel 588

Evidence they afford of the author's sympathy with Whichcote

and More 589

WHICHCOTE the Socrates of the new movement . . 589 — 90

His sermons at Trinity Church 590

Hffs audience a critical one ib.

Samuel Cradock of Emmanuel 590 — 1

He declares Whichcote's critics to be wanting in frank dealing 591

CORRESPONDENCE that ensues between TUCKNEY and WHICHCOTE 591 — 4 The former demurs to Whichcote's theory that the definition

of doctrine should be in Scripture language solely . 592

Whichcote's reply. and Tuckney's rejoinder to same . . ib. Whichcote maintains that the student comes to the university

in order to discover what is the TRUTH . . . 593

This maxim becomes the keynote of the Platonists' discourse ib.

The concluding letters 593 — 4

Tuckney postpones his final reply, while Whichcote reiterates

his determination to hold by the Truth . . . 594 Whichcote's conception of the growth of the Church criticized by

Westcott 595

Illustration afforded by his Aphorisms of his views on the

subject .......... ib.

His general conclusion, that the attainment of Truth is man's

ultimate object in all enquiry ib.

His acquaintance with the Greek philosophers probably

exaggerated by Burnet . . . 596

Extent to which he is entitled to be reckoned a leader of his

party considered ib.

HENRY MORE

His education at home and at Eton 597

His early religious misgivings ib.

His admission at Christ's College, 1631 .... ib.

His passion for study at this time and subsequently . . 598

CONTENTS. lv

PAGE

His father's concern at his extreme bookishness . . . 598 The dedication of his Philosophical Poems to his father made

the occasion for paying a high tribute to the character of

the latter 599

His motive in so doing ib.

His Song of the Soul 600

He declares himself the disciple of Plato and Plotinus . ib. Compares the persecutors of Galileo to the Giants who

sought to scale Olympus ib.

Declares that patient intellectual toil, pursued in subservience

to Reason, is the only right method .... 601 Denounces the Ptolemists' refusal to recognize the Truth

merely because it sometimes contradicts impressions

derived from the senses ib.

More himself at this time passing through a critical stage of

intellectual developement ...... ib.

The design of the Song described 602

His rejection of the pagan theory that a future existence

involves oblivion as regards the present life . . . 603 Immunity which he enjoyed alike from persecution for his

beliefs and from the pressure of poverty .... 604

His popularity as a college tutor ...... ib.

His punctual attendance at devotions and other religious

exercises .......... ib.

His persistent refusal of offers of preferment . . . ib. His careful observance of the laws of health . . . 605 His admiration of the beautiful in Nature .... ib.

The general aim of his studies as described by himself . ib. Change in his father's estimate of their influence after

visiting him at Christ's . 606

His visits to Ragley ib.

His admiration of Descartes' writings and first letter to the

author ib.

He advises that they should be studied in the universities . 607 He reads Descartes' treatise on the Passions of the Soul with

his pupil, Viscount Conway 608

His reminiscences of his visits to Ragley, during which he had

conceived some of his 'choicest theories' .... ib. Importance attached by him to the prophecy of Daniel, of

which Cudworth, in a lecture on the subject, had recently

propounded a new interpretation .... 609 — 10 Disadvantages under which Cudworth laboured compared

with More, owing to his official duties, his inferiority as

a Latinist, and early education 610 — 1

Ivi CONTENTS.

His leisure chiefly bestowed on the Hebrew literature con- nected with his professoriate 611

Value of this in relation to the study of Natural Ethics, on which, accordingly, he had already announced his inten- tion of publishing a treatise 611 — 3

More, however, anticipates him in his design . . . 612 — 3 Voluminousness of More's published writings contrasted with

the paucity of Cudworth's 613

Cudworth's earlier Sermons of 1642 and 1647 . . . 613—4 His mode of dealing with the doctrine of transubstantiation . ib. WORTHINGTON'S relations at this time with MORE and CUDWORTH,

between whom he now acts the part of intermediary . 614 Cudworth's statement of his grievance to Worthington, to

whom he represents More's conduct as disingenuous . 615 He observes that More's reputation is already as high as he himself could wish it, and demurs to his undertaking a treatise on Ethics, well knowing that Cudworth himself had been for a long time similarly engaged . . . 615 — 6 More's counter-representation of the case to Worthington . . 616 He explains that he is aiming at something quite different

from the treatise contemplated by Cudworth . . ib. He ultimately publishes his Enchiridion Ethicum, designed as a simple Introduction to the elements of the

subject 616—7

PUBLICATION OF MEDE'S WORKS by Worthington, March 1665 . 617 Letters from Wm. Dillingham and Widdrington on receiving

copies 617 — 8

OUTBREAK OF THE PLAGUE IN LONDON 618

Worthington resolutely refuses to desert his post . . ib. Extension of the epidemic to Cambridge and measures there

taken by the authorities ....... ib.

Cambridge becomes 'disuniversitied' 619

Energy and good sense shewn by the vice-chancellor, Dr

Wilford ib.

Precautions taken in the colleges against the epidemic . ib. The majority of the Heads and a few of the fellows continue

to reside 619—20

Issue of weekly bulletins shewing that, on this occasion, the

colleges escaped the infection 620 — 1

The return of the students, by permission, in 1666, is

followed by a recurrence of the epidemic . . . 621 Consequent complete absence of matriculations for the year, questionists, however, having their seniority reserved to them. • . - . ib.

CONTENTS. Ivii

PAGE

Riots that follow upon the outbreak of the GREAT FIRE in

London 621

Precautions necessary to protect the colleges from in- cendiarism ....... ib.

Worthiugton, at St Benet Fink's church, becomes involved

in the calamity ....... ib.

Sympathy shewn him by More, who presents him to the

rectory of Ingoldsby 621 — 2

Similar experiences of Whichcote and Wilkins in the

Capital 622

Seth Ward's generous efforts in behalf of his friends . . ib.

His letter to Worthington ib.

More decides to reside more frequently at Grantham . . 623 Death of Mrs Worthington at Ingoldsby .... ib.

Dejected condition of the widower ib.

His letters to Whichcote and to More ..... 623 4

He urges More to write a manual of Natural Philosophy to

supplant the Cartesian doctrines 624

He resolves to leave Ingoldsby ...... 625

His letter to Lauderdale ib.

Archbishop Sheldon obtains for him the lectureship at the

parish church of Hackney ib.

Worthington's death and funeral 625 — 6

Testimony of Tillotson to the value of his labours . . 626 Reaction in the university with regard to royal mandates for

degrees 626—7

Instances at Trinity Hall, St John's, Corpus Christi, and

Christ's 627—9

Publication of More's Enchiridion Metaphysicum, in opposition to

Descartes . 630

Worthington's edition of JOHN SMITH'S Discourses . . . ib.

NATHANIEL CULVERWEL 630 — 1

Ezekiel Culverwel, his father ....... ib.

Father and son alike Puritan in their sympathies . . ib. Early careers of NATHANIEL CULVERWEL and JOHN SMITH . ib. Simon Patrick's Sermon at the funeral of the latter . . 632 Examples of Early Church oratory on which this Discourse is

partly modelled 633

Smith's exceptional merits, as described both by Patrick and

by Worthington 633 — 4

His treatise on the Immortality of the Soul compared with

that by More » • . 634

The vagueness of More's conclusions contrasted with Smith's

careful and sustained argument 634 — 6

Iviii CONTENTS.

PAGE

The latter's mode of treatment of a subject further illustrated by

a comparison with that of Culverwel .... 635 — 6 Circumstances under which CulverwePs Light of Nature was

written 636—7

High value of the treatise, although little more than an .Introduction to the main enquiry which the writer had

in view . 637

His own description of the proposed scope of the latter . 637 — 8 Limitations' under which he accepts the guidance of reason 638 He maintains that the testimony of the pagan philosopher is

not to be disregarded 639

The author's mental break -down, the result probably of his

loss of popularity, owing to the boldness of his utterance ib. and especially his imprudent depreciation of Descartes' Cogito ergo sum ........ 640

His relations with More and Tuckney ib.

Mysterious circumstances under which his death took place 640 — 1 His Spiritual Opticks published by William Dillingham, Dec.

1651 641

Publication by same of the Light of Nature . . . 642 Testimony of his brother, Richard Culverwel, with respect to

his later experiences 642 — 4

Evidence of the soundness of the author's judgement, .afforded by his discernment of the merits of writers of widely different schools, his defence of the syllogism, his advocacy of the employment of reason in connexion with points of doctrine, and his estimate of the obligations of the pagan philosophy to Jewish sources . . . 643 — 4 Henry More's Conjectura Cabbalistica ...... 644 — 5

His dedication of the treatise to Cudworth, whose learning

he extols .......... ib.

Theories which he traces back to the teaching of Moses . 645 — 6 Criticism of his main theory by the late prof. Maurice . 646 His formal renunciation of Cartesianism in the Dedication and

Address to the Reader of his Enchiridion Metaphysicum 646 — 7 More now pronounces the principles of Cartesianism inimical to true religion and exposes the fallacies involved in some

of Descartes' hypotheses 647 — 8

His letter to Clerselier, 1655 648

Divergent tendencies of his studies prior to and after the Restoration, the result partly of his misgivings with regard to the prospects of Rationalism, and partly of his perception of the revived interest in the interpretation of Prophecy taken by the religious public . . . 648 — 9

CONTENTS. Hx

PAGE

Expression of like misgivings in the Discourses of GEORGE RUST, afterwards bishop of Dromore, pointing out that the exclusive possession of TRUTH was claimed by every sect and every religion, and exposing the motives which underlay the professed opinions of the sectaries ; while extended liberty of belief, so far from resulting in greater unanimity, had seemed to illustrate the difficulties of accepting Whichcote's canon (p. 593) .... 650 2

In his reluctance to embark in the controversies thus raised, More prefers to return to his prophetical studies, his eclectic position being characterized generally by

(a) his independence as a thinker, offering noteworthy

features on a comparison with Hobbes .... 654

(6) his conception of the philosophic life .... 654 — 5

(c) his aversion alike from fanaticism and Popery . . 655

(d) his willingness to accept Thorndike's theory of Church government ......... 656

Illustration of the popularity of speculations in prophecy afforded

by the career of ISRAEL TONGE ib.

His experiences as a fellow of University College, Oxford . 656 — 7

His disagreement with the fellows and consequent ejection 657

His career subsequent to leaving Oxford .... ib.

His studies on the Apocalypse ib.

His proposed publication of the same anticipated by the

discussion of the subject published by Henry More . ib.

Belief of the latter that his own verification of the Apocalyptic prophecies in past history afforded better evidence of the truth of Christianity than did the early miracles . 657 — 8

He predicts that his interpretations will ultimately form part

of the catechetical teaching of the Church ... . 658 Points of contrast in CUDWORTH'S genius when compared with

that of More ib.

His Sermon before the House of Commons, March 1647 . 659

He deprecates disputations on religious questions and urges

the advantages of a study of Nature .... ib.

His Intellectual System of the Universe 660

Apathy or hostility with which it was received on its

publication in 1678 ib.

Martineau's explanation of the same 660 — 1

Services subsequently rendered by Le Clerc and Mosheim towards bringing its merits under the notice of Con- tinental scholars . . . . . • • • 661

Cudworth's theory of 'a plastic Nature' .... 662

Death and funeral of MATTHEW WREN, May 1667 . . . ib.

Ix CONTENTS.

PAGE

His administration as bishop of Norwich, and on his transla- tion to the see of Ely 662—3

His arbitrary mode of procedure as Visitor of Peterhouse and

in connexion with Jesus College ib.

He rebuilds the chapel of Pembroke College . . . 663 — 4 Pearson's Oration at his funeral ...... 664

The last of the Platonists . 664—5

(A) The Poll of the Election for the Chancellorship in 1626.

(B) The Manner of the Presentation of the Duke of Buckingham his

Grace to the Chancellorship of the University of Cambridge.

(C) Ordinances established for a publique Lecture of Historic in the

University of Cambridge.

(D) Order of the King at the Court at Whitehall the 30th of Aprill 1630,

respecting the Nomination to Lord Brooke's History Lecture.

(E) Matriculations for the Years 1620-1669.

(F) Subscriptions on Admission to Holy Orders during the Common-

wealth and the Protectorate.

ERRATA.

p. 57, 1. 13, Roger Andre wes (master of Jesus College, 1618-32) voted

for Buckingham ; see p. 668. p. 315, L 1, for 'Wemnore' read ' Wenman.' p. 316, u. 3, for ' Merton ' read ' Wadham.' p. 347, 1. 3 from bottom, for ' nephew ' read ' uncle.' p. 608, marginal note, 'conceived his Poem,' for Poem read 'treatise.'

CHAPTER I.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES THE FIRST TO THE MEETING OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT.

A CONTEMPORARY writer has briefly described the solemnities v CHAP, i. at Cambridge on the occasion of the late king's funeral: the ft0c^bridg assembling at nine o'clock in the morning; the Regent Walk, ofjames i ' School yard/ non-Regent and Regent Houses and Great St 7 ' Mary's, all hung with black, while numerous ' escutcheons and verses' appeared on the hangings; the afternoon sermon preached by Dr Collins and followed by an oration by Mr Thorndike, 'which being ended the company departed to their severall colleges1.'

The ' verses ' subsequently reappeared in a somewhat re- markable collection2, wherein laments over the national loss were blended with effusive aspirations for the happiness of the new monarch. The volume, a small quarto of 72 pages, T''| ?oior

r O > etSolatnen.

issued from the press of Cantrell Legge, the printer to the university, whose endeavours to extend the sphere of his activity were at this time involving the Press in a warm dis- pute with the Stationers' Company3. On the whole, the Dolor et Solamen may fairly be regarded as a noteworthy specimen of its kind, — a literature, which, as illustrative of contemporary history, has scarcely received the attention it

1 Baker MS. xiv 69. Galliae & Hiberniae Monarchae.

* Cantabrigiensium Dolor et Sola- Excudebat Cantrellus Legge, etc.

men sen Decessio beatissimi Jacobi 4to.

pacifici et Successio augustissimi 3 Bowes (R.), Notes on the Univer-

Regis Caroli Magnae Britanniae sity Printers, p. 297.

M. III. 1

2 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

y cnt£ii^ merits ; and, amid all the customary forced metaphors and stereotyped classical allusions, there is clearly discernible a genuine sense that both the universities and the Church had lost a patron and defender who had discerned more clearly than most of his predecessors what it was that learning and Contributors: orthodoxy chiefly needed at his hands. Foremost among the IfS contributors appears the name of James Stuart, fourth duke A lest. °f Lennox, who had succeeded to the title in the preceding year and was at this time a resident member of Trinity College. The conspicuous place assigned to the youthful peer's contribution is to be referred to the fact that he was related by blood to James himself, who had been by " Scots custom " his guardian during his minority. Among the sixty- five compositions which follow, the order is determined mainly by heraldic rules of precedence or by academic status. The verses themselves, regarded as specimens of Greek or Latin composition, might well have been consigned to ob- scurity, but they occasionally afford suggestive illustration of the point of view of some notable contributor; and among this number the tribute by Andrew Downes, the regius professor of Greek, and that by Samuel Collins, the regius professor of divinity, call more especially for a passing notice. Andrew The position of Downes, in the earlier half of the year

Downes. r J

*• j|J|(?)- 1625, was of a kind which too frequently confronts us in the history of institutions, when it devolves upon a present generation to assess the claims arising out of services ren- dered to its predecessor. Five years had passed since the occasion when the Greek professor (as we last saw him)1, with his legs on the table, admitted young Simonds D'Ewes to the honour of an interview; and Downes, now in his HIS removal seventy-seventh year, received an intimation that the resig- sh?Pfessor" nation of his chair was expected. That he was past work was evident2, but he pleaded that his stipend ought still to be paid him. How far that claim was reasonable it is im- possible, at this distance of time, to decide, but the evidence,

1 See Vol. n 506. him.' Wheelock to Ussher, Ussher's

2 'I could draw little or nothing Works, xv 281. from Mr Downs, whose memory fails

DOLOR ET SOLA MEN. 3

as far as it goes, would seem to shew that, with ordinary prudence, he ought not to have been in necessitous circum- stances. He had been fellow of St John's from 1571 to 1586, when he migrated to Trinity on his election to his professor- ship; his labours as one of the translators of the new version had been recognised by a prebend in the cathedral of Wells ; he had filled his academic chair for nine and thirty years and had received fees from numerous pupils ; and, although none could gainsay the value of his past services, his laborious method of exposition began to be regarded by the rising generation with awe rather than admiration1. So long how- ^ ever as James had lived, Downes felt secure. In 1609, he had received from the royal exchequer a grant of £50, 'of the king's free gift2'; and in 1621, when dedicating to his royal patron his Praelectiones to the De Pace of Demosthenes, we find him expressly stating that his 'obligations to Bucking- ham, the chief dispenser of James's favours, had been greater than those under which he lay to ' all the other magnates of the realm3.' It is these facts which enable us to understand how it was that, alone among the contributors to the Dolor et Solamen, Downes could venture to extol the munificence of his former patron, as verging upon lavishness4, — a fault which the late king's contemporaries had certainly not been accustomed to regard with much complacency; but at the time when the venerable professor sent in his verses, learning at Cambridge had hardly realised the loss it had sustained. Downes's plea for the continuance of his stipend granted, he His

* .... . retirement

retired to Coton, where an inscription in the little Norman to Cotou- church of that village records his death, — which occurred within rather more than a year subsequent to his removal thither, — and also attests his services to the university5.

1 Baker- Mayor, p. 599. quippe benignus erat ; | Provexit

1 State Papers (Doin.), James the multos: inopes ditavit amicos ; | Ke-

First, XLV, no. 56; Warrant Book, gibus hie semper gloria summafuit.'

n 64. Dolor, etc., pp. 8-9. 'In February

3 'Ego plus illi, quam omnibus 1611,' says Gardiner, 'James had debeo Magnatibus.' Downes, Prae- gran ted to six favourites, four of whom lectiones in Philippicam de Pace were of Scottish birth, no less a sum Denwsthenis, Epist. Dedicat. than 34.000Z.' Hist, of England, n

4 'Forsitan immodica est largitio 111.

visa quibusdam, | Natura nimium 5 Baker- Mayor, n 599.

1—2

4 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. ^ »phe contribution of Collins, one of the ablest members of the university at this period, was of a more ambitious charac- ter. As provost of King's as well as professor, he may have considered that he lay under a twofold obligation to assume a prominent place among the mourners, and it is certain that a tribute of special merit was looked for at his hands. Collins was already distinguished by his moderation amid the strife of parties, his refined and graceful wit, which often glanced and by no means innocuously at his antagonists, and by his love of the society of scholars such as Sir Henry Wotton (his brother provost at Eton), John Williams and Gerard Vossius. It was an impulsive, impetuous, self-reliant spirit, somewhat too disdainful of the dull and the pedantic, and ever reverting to his loved classics for solace and inspiration, but at the same time regarding with scarcely less admiration the new philo- sophy of Bacon. Hovv'1, not a few might wonder, would Collins discharge the task of rendering homage to the late monarch? Although his composition is by far the longest in the collection, he would seem in a manner to have evaded the obligation which he could not shirk, by taking refuge in a detailed enumeration of the most important experiences in the late monarch's whole career. A remarkable effusion wanting alike in concinnity and real pathos, and otherwise notable merely as a specimen of the strained ingenuity then so prevalent and abounding in recondite allusion and ambigu- ous expression, to the wonder of the simple and the delectation of the initiated, but offering one passage of real value for our special purpose (p. 66), — the lines wherein the writer dilates on the genuine enthusiasm which prompted James's visits to the university1. We learn from Collins, what is nowhere else as explicitly intimated, that James had so greatly delighted in his Cambridge visits that he found a difficulty in bringing them to a close, — so completely had the royal pedant found himself at home at the disputations, the banquets and the plays, surrounded by the adulation, the learning, the wit

1 ' Ut nostris dignatus adesse pena- vel saepe dolis revocabilis Aula. | Hie tibus hospes | Dignatus leve proh moriar: hie (inquit) amamus mutua verbum! gavisus et ardens | Et nulla amamurque.' Dolor, etc., p. 66.

DOLOR ET SOL A At EN. 5

and the youthful exuberance which ran riot on those . CHAP, i. occasions !

A more formal tribute to the late monarch was paid by institution the passing of a grace ordaining that, in the morning of the sermon m fourth Sunday in Lent for ever, there should be a solemn mem°ry- sermon with praise to God for the perfect and happy state of the late King James, and in commemoration of the 'in- numerable benefits ' which the university enjoyed from his benignity1. On James Ussher, of Trinity College, Dublin, now archbishop of Armagh, it devolved to be the first to preach this sermon; and his text on the occasion, his bio- grapher tells us, was afterwards 'much observed,' it being taken from Samuel (i xii 25), — ' But if ye still do wickedly, ye shall be consumed, both you and your king2.' Not less ominous had appeared to be the incident, that when the new king was proclaimed at the market-cross in Cambridge, ^nc0fma" although the season was cold and backward, the voice of the ^March crier was followed by a peal of thunder in the air3. The 1625' various aspects of the times were indeed such as justly to give rise to gloomy anticipations on the part of the more observant minds in the university. But, for the present, hope and loyal feeling prevailed; and the great majority turned to hail with enthusiasm the accession of the new Enthusiasm monarch. His youth — he was but twenty-four — pleaded accession, strongly in his behalf; even his taciturnity and reserved demeanour, when contrasted with his father's loquacity and vanity, inspired the belief that he was endowed with a sounder judgement and a more kingly discretion ; while with many a grave divine and ardent theologian, his recent aban- donment of the Spanish alliance encouraged the hope that in him a foremost champion of the interests of Protestantism throughout Europe might be destined to appear. Another The chief

incidents in

and more remote occurrence can hardly also but have been his previous

* relations

present to their minds. Thirteen years before, when Charles was in his twelfth year, it had been sought to bring about

1 4qui innumeris et in aeternum 2 Bernard (Nich.), Funeral Sermon

recolendis beneficiis academiam bea- for Ussher (Apr. 17, 1656), p. 86.

verit.' Lib. Grat. Z p. 105. Stat. Lond. 1656.

Acad. Univ. (1785), p. 376. 3 Ellis's Letters (series iii) 244.

6

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i.

ship : May

fetter of*

claries!6

his election as chancellor of the university in succession to the earl of Salisbury. The endeavour was defeated and every effort was afterwards used to consign it to oblivion ; but it none the less remained as a significant episode in the history of the office, and stands in immediate connexion with the highly important contest which will shortly claim our consideration.

The earl of Northampton had, as we have already seen, been elected on the occasion above referred to, and the belief was fairly general that a judicious choice had been made ; for the new chancellor was not only, to use Hacket's expression/ superlatively learned,' but also enormously wealthy. In the interval, however, between the nomination and the election, an untoward incident took place. A report was spread, probably only too true, that the lord privy-seal was really ' a papist at heart,' and Charles was nominated in opposition, Northampton's election being thus carried over the young prince's head. The new chancellor's first letter, written while he was still ignorant of the fact that a royal rival had been nominated against him, gives expression to something like surprise that in his old age, when even his person was scarcely known to the university1, and when the Latin in which he had there been wont to converse had faded from his memory2, he should have been chosen for such an honour. He claims their indulgence if, notwith- standing, he still ventures to 'stammer forth' his acknow- ledgements in that tongue, — his letter really being couched in a Latin style of exceptional elegance. And after inti- mating, in courtly phrase, his acceptance of the proffered honour, he congratulates the university that both they and he will be privileged to live under the protection of the great Maecenas and Solomon of the age, the eminent pro- moter of sound learning and patron of its professors. Charles's nomination, however, had been made not only unknown to

1 — ' me vix ex vultu agnitum, in ipso aetatis meae flexu vel potius crepusculo, cancellarium elegeritis.' Camb. Univ. Transactions, ed. Hey- wood and Wright, n 238.

2 — ' illius etiam penitus oblitus linguae qua matris academiae prae- cepta olim audire eamque colloqui et affari solebam.' Ibid.

CHARLES AND THE CHANCELLORSHIP. 7

Northampton but also to the king, and to both the dis- VCHAP.L closure came as an unpleasant surprise. For a brief period, the whole university, says Racket, 'was under as black a cloud of displeasure as ever I knew in any time1,' an asser- ™j&"h tion corroborated by that of John Chamberlain of Trinity ™5Sn College, who states that ' the king was much displeased that his son should be put in balance with any of his sub- jects2.' The letter which Northampton now wrote, couched not in Latin but in plain and forcible English, affords, accordingly, unmistakeable evidence of his chagrin at being thus obviously placed in a false position. ' I must,' he writes, ' beseech you all, that insteed of sendinge up your officers "ex and ministers about the manner of investinge me, you will |™S^ vouchsafe to make another orderly election of an other, con- gregatis vobis cum meo spiritu, that my heart shall be no less dedicated and devoted to you all and every one of you (though I rest your ffellowe regent), then yf I had beine setled in the state of your high chancellour3.' The heads, sorely discomfited at this double miscarriage, decided to send John Williams, at this time one of the proctors, to the g™^,1118 u king at Greenwich. Williams had already made a favorable <ireenwich- impression on James by a sermon preached before him in the preceding year4, and by his adroit representations he now managed so far to mitigate his displeasure, that, although still refusing to allow Charles to be nominated for the chan- cellorship, the king consented to come to the aid of the JTam«8 orders

Northamp-

university by commanding Northampton to withdraw his Jirawhu resignation. Still smarting, however, under his recent experience, Northampton was not to be easily prevailed upon ; nor was it perhaps without a certain cynical satis- faction that he wrote as follows to the vice-chancellor. 'After

1 Scrinia Eeserata : a Memorial 4 In a letter to his friend and patron, offered to the great Denervings of John Sir John Wynne, Williams speaks Williams, D.D., etc. ByJohnHacket, with complacency of the signs of the late Lord Bishop of Coventry and royal approval which he had succeeded Idchfield. In the Savoy, 1692. i 21 in eliciting and speculates on the [referred to in subsequent notes sim- possible results: 'I had,' he writes, ply as ' Hacket ']. ' a great deal of Court holie water, if

2 MS. Sloane, no. 4173, p. 245; I can make myselfe any good there Heywood and Wright, n 240. bye.' 22 Nov. 1611. Camb. Ant.

3 Heywood and Wright, n 243. Comm. n 37.

8 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. v longe suite on my knees, I prevayled so fair with ray gracious

and deere master, that he lefte me to my selfe, who held it

best for my selfe, never to appeere in the world with any

marke that was sett on with so pestilent a prejudice1.' Then

j|mfs to the royalty in turn, addressed itself to the university: 'wee

lOJu^eYtik would not/ said the letter, ' have you to misconceave of us

that we are offended for that which hath passed about

the election of your new chancellour.' James, indeed,

prefers to believe that the nomination of 'the Duke of

Yorke ' was attributable not to ' the body of the university '

'but to some of rashe factious humour, whose conditions are

alwaies apt to interrupt unity and uniformity2'; while he

The King pronounces the original election of Northampton to have

testimony been highly commendable — ' whether you looke to his birth,

to North- & J J

fltSess!1'8 hig education in that university, his greate learninge, his continuall favouringe of all learned men and of all thinges that tende to the furtherance of learninge or good of the churche.' But unfortunately the earl himself could not now be moved to accept the tarnished honour : — ' wee cann,' says the king, ' by no persuasion or intreaty move him to imbrace ^neewjou it.' The only course left open was, accordingly, in the royal opinion, a new election — 'wherin wee require you to proceede speedily and freely; and, on whomsoever your choyce shall light, wee shall use our authority to cause him to accept it3.' It seems probable that the king and the peer were acting in concert ; for, following closely upon this letter, came another, also in English, from Northampton himself, conveying his fmpton acquiescence in the course which James suggested and inti- ancUodares mating his readiness again to be nominated. Amantium reconciled, irae amoris integratio ! His heart, he affirms, had been won by the university at his first election and now returns to that body, ' to be so fastened by the bindinge knott of your inestimable love,' that 'duringe the tyme of my lyfe' it 'shall never part agayne4.' But although Northampton may have felt that the solution of the difficulty held out by the royal

1 Hey wood and Wright, n 244-5. table.' Ibid, n 240.

2 So Chamberlain,— ' that it was 3 Ibid, n 245-6.

done by a few headstrong fellows that 4 Ibid, rr 247-9; Baker MS. iv are since bound over to the council- 366.

POPULARITY OF CHARLES. 9

authority rendered it impossible for him to withhold his . CH^P. i. ^ assent, and his re-election was carried without a dissentient J?5" r**lec-

tion : IT June

voice, the extreme suavity of his language might alone 161i suggest that it really veiled a still cherished sense of wrong ; while with the death of prince Henry, towards the close of the year, the hopes of the university began again to gather round the new heir apparent. This feeling, as we have seen1, found marked expression when in the following March Charles, along with his brother-in-law, the Elector Palatine, paid their visit to the university; he was not only elected ' in ordinem magistrorum,' but his portrait, now suspended in the university library, was painted in special honour of the occasion2, while the vice-chancellor and the caput were invested by James with authority to bestow degrees on whomever they thought fit, all prohibitory statutes being sus- pended by the royal fiat3. Amid all these brilliant festivities, however, Northampton was notably absent; and when, in the following year, he died, few probably were surprised to learn HU death :

° J J 15 June 1614.

that Cambridge, in Racket's homely phrase, ' was never the better for him by the wealth of a barley-corn.' His nephew, Thomas Howard, first earl of Suffolk and the lord of Audley ^lection of

* the EARL of

End, who had also been educated at St John's and was the lYeeS!"*' inheritor of a portion of his uncle's wealth, succeeded him in *• 1626' the chancellorship, and his profuse hospitality on the occa- sion of the royal visit in 1615 4 may, not improbably, have been dictated by a wish to efface the recollection of his pre- decessor's niggardliness; but his want of sympathy with learning, together with the incidents which marred his official career as lord high treasurer, and the difficulties in which he became involved through his marriage into the family of the Richs, did much to diminish his prestige with the university; while, on the other hand, the increased popularity which p™^tv greeted Charles on his return from Spain now made him the charts? darling of the nation. Nowhere throughout England had greater enthusiasm been displayed than at Cambridge on

1 Vol. n 514. 3 Cooper, Annals, ni 56.

2 See label on portrait. Cooper, 4 Vol. n 518. Add. and Corrections, p. 322.

10 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. that occasion. On Charles's arrival, along with Buckingham, DejmtaUon at Royston, where James was then keeping court, a deputa- i20ctit>23. tion at once set out to convey the congratulations of the university. The bells were rung; 'a gratulatory sermon' was preached at St Mary's and an oration delivered in the afternoon1; each college listened to a speech, had its extra dish at supper, and squibs and a bonfire in the court at night2. At Royston, the deputation presented a 'book of verses3,' wherein, in a variety of metres, the loyal Latinists of the university, and especially those of King's and Trinity, vied with each other in the ardour of their congratulations, and employed their utmost ingenuity in extolling the bold emprise and heroic virtues of the two ' Smiths.' Seldom, even among the poets of the Augustan age, had the incense of flattery risen in denser fumes. Spain, according to one Trinity versifier, had at first imagined herself honoured by the presence of some celestial deity, but on discovering who her august visitor really was, became filled with even yet greater admiration and rapture. Love, sang a bard of Peter- house, had impelled Charles forth on his outward journey; a mightier devotion, devotion to the Faith, had summoned him back. Samuel Collins, here, as ever, most prolific and exuberant, exulted in the thought that the 'Jesuit scum' had little cause for rejoicing, and that the nation's hope had returned undefiled by Circaean enchantments. More than one contributor, in allusion to the crowning honour that had just descended on Buckingham by his investiture with the long dormant ducal title, thought it a happy conceit to suggest that one who had so ably led his prince, himself well deserved to be created Dux. Jerome Beale of Pembroke, the vice-chancellor, inaugurated and closed the series with two brief effusions, the first addressed to James, the last to Charles, both alike expressive of the academic sense of the

1 By George Herbert; see his Re- giensisdeSerenissimiPrincipisReditu mains, p. 224; also Bowes, Catalogue, ex His2)aniis exoptatissimo : quam p. 13. Augustissimo Regi Jacobo Celsissimo-

2 Nichols, Progresses of James the que Principi Carolo ardentissimi sui First, iv 929; Cooper, Annals, m Voti Testimonium case voluit. Ex Of- 160-1. ficina Cantrelli Legge, Almae Matris

3 Gratulatio Academiae Cantabri- Cantabrigiae Typographi, 1623. 4to.

POPULARITY OF CHARLES.

11

unworthiness of the offering thus laid at the royal feet1. The foregoing incidents serve to bring home to us the real sympathy between the Crown and the great majority of the university at the time when Charles ascended the throne and the personal goodwill with which he himself was regarded by the academic community. The hopes of both Oxford and Cambridge may, indeed, be said to have almost centered in the new monarch, while their fears undoubtedly pointed to parliament, — where dissatisfaction at the tendencies observ- able alike in the Church and the universities was already taking shape. ' They talk,' wrote Joseph Mede at Christ's College, ' of divers bills in the parliament house, as against the universities, pluralities of benefices, about disposition of prebends to such as want other preferment,. . .against Montagu and his late book2.' Before, however, the month had passed away, he had to report the dreaded approach of the plague ; and in August the entire university dispersed in alarm. By September, he was left almost alone in college; endeavour- ing, as steward, to supply the table with eggs, apple-pies and custards, ' for want of other fare.' ' We cannot have leave,' he writes, ' scarce to take the aire. We have but one master of art in our colledg, and this week he was punisht 10d for giving the porter's boy a box on the eare because he would not let him out at the gates3.' It was not until December 1625 that the university was able to reassemble..

The one man on whose advocacy, after that of Bucking- ham himself, the academic body most relied at this crisis, was John Williams. The career of that young Welshman, since his election to his fellowship at St John's4, had been

CHAP. I.

Dissatis- faction in parliament with the

universities.

Mede to Stuteville : 2 July 1625.

Approach of the plague.

Mede to Stuteville : 4 Sept 1625.

JOHN

WlI.LIA.MS.

b. 1582. d. 1650.

1 'JamTagusauratovolvitseplenius amne, | Dum putat in vultu numen inesse tuo. | Neptunum Phoebumque alii dixere vocantes, | Nee deerat qui te credidit esse Jovem | At postquam magni genitum te stirpe Jacobi | Ac- cepere, stupent et magis inde rogant. | Ergo tibi tanti est Hispanica regna videre?' (Gratidatio,p.33). 'Irejubet te magnus amor majorque redire, Nam fuit is tantum virginis iste Dei ' (Ib. p. 11). 'Regum deliciae cupidines-

que | Firmus judicii manes fideque, Nee quicquid Jesuita faex propinet, Circaeo redis impiatus auro' (Ib. p. 18). — 'Academia supplicat | Deo ut Redux Dux Carolus sit, Dux Comes. | Ita erunt bonae Smithi utrique fortu- nae fabri ' (Ib. p. 15).

2 Birch's Court and Time* of CJuirles the First, i 39.

3 Ibid. 1 47 ; Heywood and Wright, n 331. See infra, p. 25.

* See Vol. n 505.

12

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP. I.

His appoint- ment to the chancellor- ship (16 July) and to the bishopric of Lincoln (3 Aug.) 1621.

Growing belief in his ability.

one of continuous advancement. Lord Ellesmere, the emi- nent jurist (better known as Sir Thomas Egerton) who preceded Bacon in the chancellorship, and who during the last six years of his life had held office as chancellor of the university of Oxford, was induced to make Williams his chaplain ; and when he died in 1617, the latter soon found himself one of the royal chaplains and in 1618 accompanied James to Scotland. In 1619 he was installed in the deanery of Salisbury; and from thence in 1620 was transferred to the deanery of Westminster, and in the following year he appeared as the last in the long succession of ecclesiastical dignitaries who also held the lord keepership, succeeding at nearly the same time to that office and to the bishopric of Lincoln1. Ellesmere had bequeathed to his chaplain the manuscripts of his more important legal treatises, — 'valuable as the Sibylline Prophecies,' says Williams' biographer2, — and it is probable that during the lord keeper's brief occu- pancy of the woolsack they largely aided him in the discharge of his duties. In the university itself, he had by this time succeeded in creating an impression of exceptional ability to steer through opposing currents. He had remonstrated

1 In order to vindicate Williams' motives in holding these three important offices conjointly, his biographer advances the following considerations: (i) the deanery of Westminster afforded a far more favorable arena for the exertion of his influence whether as a statesman or a patron of learning, but, accord- ing to Williams' own statement, the emoluments of the deanery of Salis- bury had been ' nothing inferior in value ' (Hacket, i 44) ; during his tenure of this post 'the number of the promoted to the universities ' (from Westminster School) ' was double for the most part to those that were transplanted in the fore- going elections' (Ibid, i 45). (ii) the Lord Keepership itself, although properly worth £2790 a year, was reduced by the diversion of the ' casual fines ' and the ' greater writs ' to about one half that amount (p. 52), and inasmuch as Bacon's venal ad- ministration of the office had been a

public scandal, James was determined that ' his new officer ' should be one who had ' a hand clean from corrup- tion and taking gifts' (p. 54). (iii) the revenue of the bishopric of Lincoln, although ' the largest diocese in the land ," was not great , ' Williams being even able to demonstrate that it would be to the interest of the Crown that he should retain his deanship also, for ' here he had some supplies to his housekeeping from the College in bread and beer, corn and fuel; of which if he should be de- prived, he must be forc'd to call for a diet, which would cost the King 1600L per annum, or crave for some addition in lieu thereof, out of the King's own means, as all his fore- goers in that office had done' (p. 62). ' Since the forced surrender by bishop Holbeach' (in 1552) 'of large pos- sessions, the see of Lincoln had been very inadequately endowed.' Beed- ham (B. H.), Notices of Archbp. Williams, p. 13. 2 Hacket, i 30.

JOHN WILLIAMS. 13

against the suspension of the laws against James's Catholic „ C«AP. i. _ subjects as illegal ; he had protested against the journey to Spain ; and he now protested with equal earnestness against the projected hostilities with that great power. On him it had devolved to watch by the royal death-bed, to close the monarch's eyes, to preach his funeral sermon; and, keenly alive to the feelings uppermost in the public mind, he had on that occasion availed himself of the opportunity to seek to allay the suspicions then rife with regard to James's sin- cerity as a professed Protestant. The late king, he solemnly "„'* $y^' assured his audience, 'did never, out of deep and just reason K^T-iames. of State, and the bitter necessities of Christendom in these latter times, give way to any the least connivance in the world towards the person of a papist1.'

It was at James's suggestion2 that Williams had first HU relations

with Buck- SOUght the favour of Buckingham; and the deanery of West- ™sham-

minster had been bestowed on him in recognition of the important part which he had played in bringing about the marriage of the favorite with the lady Catherine Manners. But before James's death, a coolness had sprung up between Buckingham and the lord keeper. We have already seen how the unfortunate John Knight of Oxford, the too in- genuous assertor of the doctrines of Paraeus, fell the victim of his temerity3. It was Williams who had released him from his fatal imprisonment, and he had done so at the inter- cession of the earl of Oxford, — the uncompromising opponent of the Spanish match who atoned for his outspoken opposi- tion by a term of confinement in the Tower. Buckingham's subsequent hostility to Oxford appears to have extended itself, in some measure, to Williams. But Oxford was now dead ; the project of the Spanish match was at an end ; and the letter is still extant, written not many days before James's death4, in which the lord keeper, relying upon his reputation as one well versed in state affairs, ventured upon

1 Great Britains Saloman : A Ser- date as assigned by Racket and also more, etc., p. 49. in Camb. Ant. Soc. Comm. (ra 71), see

2 Hacket, i 41. Gardiner, Hist, of England, v 312,

3 See Vol. n 566. n. 1.

4 For important correction of this

14

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP. I.

JOSEPH MEDE of Christ's College. 6. 1586. d. 1638.

the somewhat perilous experiment of presuming to advise Buckingham with regard to his official career. The duke was apparently intent on combining two highly important offices of state in his own person. The marquess of Hamilton, steward of the household, was just dead, and Buckingham proposed to be his successor ; but he was already lord high admiral, and when Williams learned that his patron was proposing to continue to hold that office also, he ventured to address to him what was little less than a remonstrance. He depicted the inconveniences attaching to the command of the navy in language which was evidently meant to give the proud minister a distaste for the office, — if he faithfully discharged its duties he must abandon court life; if he shirked them and stayed at court it would be to be ' laden with ignominye.' The stewardship of the household, on the other hand, would not only 'keep him in all changes and alterations of yeares nere the Kinge,' but also ' give him the opportunitye to gratifie all the Court.' ' Be upon earthe,' he writes, ' as your pietye will one day make you in heaven, an everlastinge favouritt1.' It was singular advice, when we observe that it emanated from one who was himself at this very time both lord chancellor and bishop of an important diocese, and how far it was taken by Buckingham in good part is not very clear2, but shortly after, the relations between the favorite and his would-be adviser were subjected to a further strain which resulted in a permanent rupture.

By no one was Williams's career, at this time, watched with keener interest than by his Cambridge contemporary above named, — the eminent Joseph Mede. The latter was but four years the lord keeper's junior, and the intimate relations that then existed between Christ's College and

1 Camb. Ant. Soc. Comm. in 72.

2 Mede's correspondent (probably Dr Meddus), writing ten months later (26 Jan. 162f), assigns the advice given on this subject by Williams as the occasion of 'the loss of his lord keeper's place,' and Gardiner (Hist, of England, v 311) inclines to accept it as an adequate explanation. The letter, however, in which

Williams tendered his unpalatable counsel, as printed in Ellis (Orig. Letters, series 3, iv 191), seems hardly in itself to have been sufficient to give such dire offence, and Mede's cor- respondent alleges also ' some things that passed at the last sitting of parliament ' (Court and Times of Charles the First, i 73).

career.

JOSEPH MEDE. 15

St John's would incline us to surmise that, almost from the .CHAP. T^ time of his entering the university, Mede must have been familiar with the name of the brilliant young Welshman on the sister foundation. Conspicuous, alike, for their common His services

. . to the uni-

attachment to their university, their relations to it were tr singularly dissimilar. The one, watchful of its interests from afar, the other, living, labouring and dying within its pre- cincts ; the one the benefactor, the other the teacher ; the one the politician, the other the theologian ; but each, after his manner, unrivalled among his contemporaries in the influence he exerted, — the one on its institutions, the other on its thought.

It was in 1602, the year in which Perkins died, that

*

Mede entered Christ's College. He was an Essex lad, but had received his education at the grammar school at Hod- desdon in Hertfordshire, where, as the story is told, he had managed to acquire a Hebrew grammar and had persisted in making himself familiar with the elements of the language in spite of the earnest dissuasives of his master. At Christ's College he found himself in a more congenial atmosphere. The society was still under the potent influence of Perkins's example and teaching, though somewhat oppressed by Valen- tine Gary's arbitrary rule and pronounced leanings towards Romanism, which led him to inculcate the necessity of con- fession and the efficacy of prayers for the dead1. But with Gary's resignation of the mastership in 1622, it had begun steadily to advance both in numbers and reputation. Thomas ghrut-s Bainbrigg, his successor, a Westmorland man, notwithstand- SSSS ing his want of impartiality in promoting his own relatives2, B

appears to have been successful as an administrator, and the society advanced under his rule. Among the thirteen fellows on the foundation, there may be named at least three, besides Joseph Mede, who attained to considerable distinction. These

1 The facts connected with Gary's 2 —'so addicted to his kindred.'

administration at Christ's have re- See Baker MS. xxxn 382-4. Dr

ceived additional illustration since Peile's estimate is that of 'a strict

the publication of the second volume disciplinarian,' and ' a slow methodi-

of my History, in Dr Peile's Hist, of cal man, who did his work to the

Christ's Collage, pp. 122-4. best of his ability,' M.S. p. 131.

16

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i.

Honyawood. d. i68i.

MILTON'S

/

were Mede's intimate personal friend, William Chappell, afterwards bishop of Cork, an able disputant in the schools and one whose reputation for learning was scarcely inferior to that of Mede himself1,— Robert Gell, whose known devo- tion to astrological studies in no way impaired the reputation in which he was held by his contemporaries2, and whose elaborate suggestions, put forth in 1659, for a revision of the Authorised Version afford a noteworthy illustration of the standard of biblical criticism in his day, — and Michael Hony- wood, afterwards dean of Lincoln, whose memory survives as that of a discerning benefactor of both his college and his cathedral, and whose industry as a collector of our early national literature and the productions of our early English press might compare with that of Parker himself3. Our interest in the society at this period culminates as we note among the signatures of those admitted in 1625 the name of John Milton, a pensioner, with Chappell for his tutor.

But of all the members on the foundation, there can be little doubt that, down to his death in 1638, Joseph Mede possessed the most widespread influence and enjoyed the highest reputation both in the university and without. The range of his acquirements was such that it might serve to represent not inadequately the collective stock of the aca- demic learning of his day. He was well skilled both in the technical logic and in the so-called philosophy of the schools; he knew what little was then known in Cambridge that really belonged to what we now term mathematics4 ; he was

1 — 'justly esteemed a rich maga- zine of rational learning.' See Life of Mede prefixed to third edition of his Works (ed. Worthington), Lond. 1672, p. v. This Life is evidently by Worthington himself whose initials •J. JF.' are appended. Both Mede and Chappell, when junior fellows, had been arraigned for 'skoffing at the Dean in Hall.' Peile, u.s. p. 127.

2 Mr Ball observes in relation to Henry Briggs, lecturer and examiner in mathematics at St John's at the close of the sixteenth century, and afterwards Gresham professor, that ' almost alone among his contempor-

aries he declared that astrology was at best a delusion, even if it were not, as was too frequently the case, a mere cloak for knavery.' Hist, of the Study of Mathematics at Cambridge, p. 28.

3 See the interesting account of his life by the late Canon Venables in D. N. B.

4 His knowledge of mathematics represented no advance upon that of the preceding generation (see Vol. 11 402). Mr Ball (M.S. p. 33) considers that the first thirty years of the seventeenth century were almost a blank in the history of science in the university.

JOSEPH MEDE. 17

an excellent modern linguist and his knowledge of both VCHAP. i. history and chronology was regarded by those who knew him as unrivalled J ; he was a profound theologian, and his treatise •*- de Sanctitate Relativa was so highly approved by bishop Andrewes that he would fain have made the author his do- mestic chaplain; his reputation for anatomical knowledge was ^ such that whenever any special illustration of the science was given at Caius College he was generally invited to be present; his acquaintance with the text of Homer was regarded as ^/ unsurpassed in the university ; while his industry in philo- logical researches led him to compile a large quarto volume, in which, with sadly perverted ingenuity, a vast array of Greek, Latin, and English words were traced back to their ^ supposed Hebrew roots2. In addition to these varied acquire- ments, he appears to have possessed, what was indeed by no means uncommon in his day, — an excellent practical know- Hisknow-

<f A ledge of

ledge of botany : ' oftentimes,' says his biographer, ' when he ^tany. and others were walking in the fields or in the colledge- garden, he would take occasion to speak of the beauty, signa- tures, useful vertues, and properties of the plants then in view; for he was a curious florist and accurate herbalist, thoroughly versed in the book of Nature3.'

Mede's merits as a student might, however, have failed to earn for him the substantial recognition of a fellowship, if l0' the arbitrary spirit of Valentine Gary had prevailed. In the master's opinion, ' he looked too much towards Geneva,' — a suspicion which appears to have had no better ground than Mede's habitual tolerance, within certain limits, in matters of doctrinal belief, and the modesty with which he main- tained his own views. Otherwise his sympathies were un- doubtedly those of the moderate Anglican in questions both of belief and discipline. He systematically condemned the ^ intolerance of Cartwright and his followers, ' for hereby,' he cwtwri

1 'I have found that M. Medes of the Revelation, fol. A 4.

friends, who have been acquainted 2 On the importance erroneously

with the course of his studies, would attached to Hebrew at this time, see

give him the bell for this ' [i.e. history] vol. n 41&-9.

'as herein outstripping all others.' 3 Life (u.s.), p. v. Twisse (W.), Preface to Mede's Key

M. III. 2

.

on of

18 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. observed, ' as they did the Common Enemy no small credit and service, so they likewise weakened the true interest and hazarded the safety of the Protestant Reformed religion1.' In opposition to those theories that afterwards developed into Congregationalism, he compiled a pamphlet to prove the existence of Churches among the primitive Christians iiis concern and the respect in which they were held. In a sermon at

for decency • • • •

worshilic e umverslty church (afterwards printed), — on ' The Rever-

ence to be used in God's House/ — he advocated views which Laud himself must have regarded with satisfaction ; while he adduced, from the practice of the Abyssinian Christians, evidence which contrasted strongly with the laxity and levity that too often marred the religious services of his own day2. Of Joseph Mede it may, indeed, be affirmed that he was intolerant only of intolerance ; and in a long life largely given, on the one hand, to the examination of the evidence on which the traditional learning of his age rested, and on the other, to adding to its stores, he was guided and stimu- lated by the unalterable belief that, to quote his own lan- guage, 'truth could never be prejudiced by the discovery of truth.'

HIS ability But great as was his receptivity and excellent as was his

and origin- ality as tutor, judgement, the tutor of Christ's College was not less distin- guished by the originality of his mind and the ability to impart what he had acquired. The limited number of pupils assigned to each college tutor in those days enabled him to bestow on them an amount of individual attention which stands in singular contrast to the very slight supervision exercised by the so-called ' tutor ' at Cambridge in later generations. He was thus enabled to form an estimate of each pupil's capacities and aptitudes such as few tutors have now the opportunity of gaining, even if the range of their own attainments enabled them to do so. And it was

1 Ibid. p. xxvii. was a bishop.' The Reverence of

- ' "nor is it lawfull for us in God's House. A Sermon preached at

the Church to laugh, to walk up and St Maries in Cambridge, before, the

down, or to speak of secular matters ; Universitie on St Matthies Day, Anno

no nor to spit, hauk or hem in the 163|. By Joseph Mede B.D. and

Church," etc. ...Thus Zaga Zabo of late Fellow of Christs Colledge in

the Abyssine Christians, whereof he Cambridge. Lond. 1638.

JOSEPH MEDE. 19

Mede's special merit that he endeavoured not simply to test , CHAP, i. ^ the acquirements but also to acquaint himself with the indi- foj^nclmdu- viduality of his pupils. What the ablest teachers, from atr' Plato down to Pestalozzi, have aimed at, was equally his aim, — to discern the special powers of each learner and to advise and direct him accordingly. As soon as the elements of Latin, logic, and philosophy had been mastered, Mede appears to have in a great measure discarded the system of ^ class-tuition, preferring to leave each pupil to work inde- pendently and to propound to him his particular difficulties. ' In the evening,' the narrator tells us, ' they all came to his His evening chamber to satisfie him that they had performed the task he had set them. The first question which he used to propound to every one in his order was, — Quid dubitas ? What doubts have you met in your studies to-day ? For he supposed that to doubt nothing and to understand nothing were verifiable alike. Their doubts being propounded, he resolved their Quaeres, and so set them upon clear ground to proceed more distinctly. And then having by prayer commended them and their studies to God's protection and blessing, he dismissed them to their lodgings1.'

It can be no matter for surprise that a society whose younger members were instructed with such rare discrimina- tion and so much intelligence gradually assumed a foremost place among the Cambridge colleges with respect to the number of able men whom it sent forth. In 1626 Thomas Fuller was a bachelor at Queens', and continued from that time throughout his life to be a watchful observer of events and changes at Cambridge. Some seventeen years after ^{|^s to Mede's death, the historian of his university, struck by the ^S^ long array of illustrious names which Christ's College num-

bered among its alumni, exclaimed : 'It may without flattery ieg"»tthis be said of this house, " many daughters have done virtuously, but thou excellest them all2." '

Our impression of Mede's activity of mind as phenomenal ^£', is further increased when we note, that this assiduous devo- tion to his duties as an instructor, superadded to his widely 1 Life (u.s.), p. iv. 2 Fuller-Prickett and Wright, p. 183.

2—2

20

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i.

wtrator.

»

spondence at

abroad"*1

varied studies, was still far from completely absorbing either his time or his energies. He was steward of his college, an office then supervised by a weekly audit, and in this capacity his services were highly valued ; while his general ability as an administrator may be inferred from the fact that he was twice invited, through the influence of his friend, Ussher, to assume the provostship of Trinity College, Dublin1. Nor did his reluctance to quit his college and his university arise from that forgetfulness of the world without and that indif- ference to the ordinary affairs of life which not unfrequently steal over the studious recluse. His keen interest in political events both in England and abroad might compare with that of a secretary of state; and in order to obtain intelligence which should be at once early and trustworthy, he subsidized regular correspondents, ' as numbering,' says his biographer, 'the affairs of Christendom among his best concernments, and the gaining a more particular acquaintance therewith (^v helping to maintain correspondencies amongst learned and wise men in distant countries) amongst the best uses he could make of that estate which God had given him2.' The intelligence thus obtained was frequently transmitted by Mede to his distinguished relative, Sir Martin Stuteville, who resided at Dalham in Suffolk and whom he occasionally visited ; and the letters themselves, along with others from his own pen, are still preserved in the Harleian collection at the British Museum, and afford invaluable aid to the his- torian of the period. It was in this manner that a quiet Cambridge college became for a time a notable centre of political intelligence; and the university itself, long after Williams' fall from office, was raised almost to a level with

1 The first time he was actually appointed but declined the office, and William Bedell (afterwards the emi- nent bishop of Kilmore) was chosen to fill the post. On the second occa- sion, in 1634, his fellow-collegian, William Chappell, was ultimately appointed by Laud, although, like Mede, he appears to have sought to evade the honour. In both cases the disturbed condition of Ireland pro- bably acted as a deterrent. Chappell,

according to his own statement, was appointed in order to reform the college, and though elected 21 Aug. 1634, was not sworn in until 5 June 1637. He immediately became the object of fierce attack alike from Catholic and Puritan : — 'Euunt, facto agmine, | In me prof ana turba, Roma, Gevennaque.' See his Vita (written by himself) in Leland-Hearne, v 263. 2 Life (w.s.), p. xvi.

JOSEPH MEDE. 21

Oxford, notwithstanding the advantages which the frequent . CH^P L presence of Laud or his emissaries secured, in this respect, to that city1.

It is probable, however, that it was neither as the scholar of deep and varied attainments, nor as the able and suc- cessful teacher, nor again as the best informed resident in the university in relation to political movements without, that the name of Joseph Mede most impressed itself on the minds of his contemporaries. The work which won for him his widest fame and was regarded as his most enduring monument, was his Clams Apocalyptica. Originally written and published in Latin, the work first appeared in 1627. But in 1642 we find the publication of a translation, with considerable additions, receiving the sanction of the Long Parliament. This translation had been executed by Richard ^ o"fthela More, one of the members of that body and afterwards dis- R™hard tinguished as an active supporter of the parliamentary party recommend-

. ° fr r 111 edforpubli-

in the Civil War; while the approval of the House had been cation V

Arthur

obtained on the recommendation of Arthur Jackson, a London If clergyman, and afterwards a member of the Savoy Conference, who had been appointed to report on the merits of the work2. Jackson had been educated at Cambridge, having quitted Trinity College in 1619, taking with him the reputation of an exemplary and hard-working student. While resident, he can hardly have failed to have heard something about the great savant of Christ's College, whose fame was even then considerable, and it is possible that his estimate of the merits of the treatise was not altogether unbiassed by what he already knew of the author. His verdict was highly favorable. He not only reported that More's translation was a faithful one, but also expressed his opinion that the

1 The originals of these letters are Michael in Wood street, London, be

in the Harleian collection, nos. 389, desired to peruse M. More his trans-

390; I am indebted to the careful lation of M. Mede his book on the

collation of those printed in the Bevelation this day presented to the

Court and Times of Charles the First said Committee to be licensed, and to

(2 vols., 1849), with the originals, report to the said Committee his

made by Dr Peile, for some useful opinion therein, and concerning the

material and corrections. printing thereof.' Order of Committee

a ' That M. Jackson minister of St of House of Commons, 21 Feb. 164^.

22

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i.

muitrated.

book itself, — The Key of the Revelation, — gave ' much light for the understanding of many obscure passages in that sweet and comfortable Prophesie.' 'And though,' he added, 'Mr Mede's opinion concerning the thousand years of the seventh trumpet be singular from that which hath been most gene- rally received by expositors of best esteem, and I conceive hath no just ground ; yet he therein delivers his judgement with such modesty and moderation that I think the printing of it will not be perillous : and therefore conceive that the publishing of this translation is a good work, and may, with God's blessing, yield much comfort to many1.' Mede's latest biographer claims for him the merit of perceiving that ' a thorough determination of the structural character of the Apocalypse must be a preliminary to any sound interpreta- tion of it.' Mede, he says, ' decides that its visions form a connected and chronological sequence ; the key to the dis- crimination of an earlier and later chain of events he finds in Rev. xvii 18 ; he makes no claim to write history in advance by help of prophecies which remain for fulfilment2.'

^° *ne theological scholar of the present day there is something sadly grotesque in the bald literalness with which Mede endeavours to reduce the glowing rhapsody of the vision in Patmos to coherence and intelligibility. He devised an elaborate diagram in order to bring home to the compre- hension of his readers the mechanical process involved in the opening of the Seven Seals. Singularly enough, his concep- tion of the 'seven-sealed volume' was at first that of a clasped quarto, of the kind common in the libraries of his day, the clasps being seven in number and each bearing its special seal. To do him justice, however, he did not adopt this form of representation without considerable misgiving; to use his own expression, he had ' often beat and hammered upon it,' sometimes surmising that 'the Seals were not written by characters in letters, but being painted by certain shapes, lay hid under some covers of the seals; which being opened,

1 The Key of the Revelation, searced and demonstrated out of the naturall and proper Characters of the Visions, etc., London, 1650 (Jackson's impri-

matur is prefixed to title-page).

2 See article by Dr Alexander Gordon in D. N. B.

JOSEPH MEDE. 23

each of them in its order, appeared not to be read but to be beheld and viewed'; ultimately however concluding that both the written text and the representations 'were to be joyned together, and that we must say, that indeed the prophesies were described and pourtrayed in the volume, whether by signes and shapes or letters, but that these were no otherwise exhibited to John and other beholders of this celestial theater, then by a foreign representation, supplying the room of a rehearsall, not much unlike to our academicall interludes, where the prompters stand near the actors with their books in their hands.' This latter hypothesis was not, however, adopted by Mede without some misgiving, and he was still pondering the question when he received from a dock, certain 'Master Haydock, a learned gentleman,' a letter suggesting another mode of delineation less open to objec- tion. Bearing in mind the fact, which Mede, singularly enough, had altogether overlooked, that ' books ' in the days of St John the Divine differed considerably, as regarded their exterior, from the volumes which, in the first half of the seventeenth century, were issuing from the University Press, Haydock ventured to suggest that a series of parchment rolls, or, as Mede terms it, a ' seal -bearing sylender,' — each roll or leaf having its separate band and seal, — would more accurately represent the ' book ' in Revelation. It is credit- able to Mede's candour, that although he admitted that it ' had never entered into his thoughts before,' he at once pro- nounced Haydock's idea ' most ingenious.' Nor was Richard More, the translator, any less pleased. 'The form of the seven-sealed book,' he solemnly observes, ' ought to be such as might satisfie the Lamb's intention, which had an eye unto prius and posterius, in regard of the sequel of the ensuing History: for that part which belongs to the first seal ought to be viewed before the second or the rest be opened. Whereas in the form of the modern books, untill all the seaven Seals be opened, no use can be made of any part or leaf in the book. But in the form of the roll, when every leaf hath its severall labell inserted in its proper distance, with a seal and severall impression of emblematicall signi-

24 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. ture, each severall leaf being taken and unsealed in order, the severall matter therein contained will appear, and no more of any of the rest till they be opened in order.'

In the diagram inserted in the translation published after Mede's death, we accordingly find the drawing of his conjectural 'volume' relegated to a comparatively obscure corner, while ' Mr Haydock his book,' both sealed and opened, appears prominently at the head and foot of the design, won o?^hea" Although, in his application of the prophecies, Mede may k>pp°a^uiar be acquitted of any attempt to ' write history in advance,' rary6events. his construction of recent and contemporary events probably gave encouragement to such endeavour on the part of others. He found no difficulty in identifying the Osmanli, whose mighty sway under Amurath IV then extended from the Tigris to Gibraltar, with Gog and Magog. He considered himself singularly happy in the invention of a diagram shew- ing that pontifical Rome, as it stood in his day, represented just about a tenth of the ancient imperial city, and might therefore seem to be expressly referred to in the prophecy that the ' tenth part ' of Babylon should be destroyed. And he pronounced the ' discovery ' of the meaning of the number of the Beast put forth by a certain ' Mr Potter,' an 'unfolding of the greatest mystery that had been discovered since the beginning of the world1.' The millennium, he thought, was identical with the day of judgement itself, and would be ushered in by the thousand years proclaimed by the seventh trumpet.

Sanctioned, as these theories were, by a great name and argued with no little ingenuity and plausibility, they attracted an amount of attention which it would be difficult to explain, if we did not remember the fascination such speculations pos- sessed for those numerous students of prophecy who imagined that it was possible to discern, in actual process all around them, the drama foreshadowed in the vision seen in Patmos. The Clavis won for its author the regard of Hartlib and the praise of nearly all learned Holland ; it modified the religious \ belief of John Milton ; and taking rank, for more than a 1 Preface to More's translation of the Clavis.

JOSEPH MEDE. 25

century, as a classic, it exerted an influence on theological >. CHAP, i. thought which no English writer on the period appears adequately to have recognised. Able and earnest divines in long succession, the array culminating with the name of Isaac Newton, devoted to like barren and baseless specula- tions the years and the intellectual efforts which, more wisely bestowed, might have resulted in achievements of highest value in literature and science, — in works as deserving to be had in remembrance as were their actual labours of the oblivion which has overtaken them.

At the time, however, of Charles's accession, the theo- logical world was stirred by questions far more practical in their bearings than the well-meant speculations of Joseph Mede; and it will be necessary now to devote somewhat lengthened consideration to a movement whereby all Cam- bridge became involved in a controversy which, as regards the acrimony and intensity of feeling that it excited, can be compared only with the contests of the time of Cartwright. The allusion in Mede's letter1 to rumours of proceedings in the House of Commons ' against Montagu and his book,' had £he APPell°

o Laetarem of

reference to a matter which interested and concerned a MO^TA^U. certain section of theologians at Cambridge very closely, and bd. i64i. these a body distinguished both for learning and ability. The great Anglican party which had so long been seeking to steer between dislike and distrust of Jesuitism on the one hand, and of Puritanism on the other, suddenly found itself called upon to consider the advisability of taking a new de- parture. A notable pronouncement by James, addressed to the university of Oxford some years before, had formally designated both Jesuits and Puritans as bodies ' well knowne to be medlers in matters of State and Monarchy,' and the study of their literature had been forbidden2. Neither the casuistical divinity of the Order nor the dogmatic teaching of the followers of Cartwright and Perkins was to be allowed henceforth to occupy the time of the theological student, who was enjoined to restrict his reading to ' the Scriptures, then

1 Supra,.p. 11. 2 See Vol. n 567; Wood-Gutch, n 343.

26 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. f the Counceiis and ancient Fathers, and then the Schoolmen1.' Such had been the decision from which we have now to note the two opposed parties in matters of Church doctrine at Cambridge endeavouring, under the auspices of the new regime, to break away. The writer, to whom Mede refers, was Richard Montagu, fellow of King's College, now in his r. forty-ninth year. Educated at Eton, he had been elected to his fellowship in 1597, and by the special favour of king James had continued to hold it, not only along with a living in Essex and another in Somerset, but also with a canonry at Windsor, with the archdeaconry of Hereford, and a royal chaplaincy, — an accumulation of favours which only con- spicuous merit and ability could be held even partially to justify. His knowledge of early Church history, which was really considerable, overawed the great majority of his contemporaries. With Sir Henry Savile, who had summoned him back to Eton, to aid him in his edition of Saint Chrys- ostom, he stood in high favour; he had even ventured to pass judgement on the merits of Isaac Casaubon's ' Exercita- tiones' on Baronius, and had drawn from that great but modest scholar the admission that his critic was 'really learned.' His reply to Selden's epoch-making History of Tithes won such approval from king James that the monarch decided that the controversy had been virtually set at rest and forbade Selden to attempt any rejoinder; while the great jurist himself had the candour to admit that his antagonist was 'well versed in ancient learning2.' In short, although Montagu's language on certain doctrinal questions, and more

1 ' Volumusinsuperut,exoccasione constat, etc.' Hist. UniversitatisOxon.

praesentium, collegiorum et aularum p. 227. I cite here Wood's original

vestrae universitatis praesides ac Latin version, from which it is clear

rectores convenire facias, quodque de that James had sent similar instruc-

theologiae studio utrique pridem tions to Cambridge, but of these I

academiae tarn serio commendavimus find no record, iis in animos revoces; nimirum ut 2 Even Anthony Wood considers

qui facultati illi nomina dederint (Athcnae, m 370) that Selden was

sacrae imprimis paginae incumbant, ' effectually answered ' by Montagu ;

Concilia deinde Patresque antiques, but Mark Pattison's assertion (Isaac

ac demum scriptores Scholasticos Casaubon*, 376) that the former stood

evolvant, a Neotericis sive Jesuitis in about the same relation to the

sive Catharis prorsus abstinentes, latter that Bentley did to Boyle is

quos utique rebus publicis & Mo- much too severe. narchiam tangentibus sese immiscere

RICHARD MONTAGU. 27

especially his refusal to look upon the pope of Rome as CHAP. r- identical with Antichrist, exposed him to the suspicion of «'»<?»•

r tinctive

being at heart a Romanist, his reputation was at this time ^n^ver* scarcely rivalled at either university as that of the scholar, Siah8t> the dialectician and the satirist in rare combination; and while the devout were conciliated by the habitual respect with which he invariably referred to the departed Perkins, the more worldly minded could not but augur well of the man who was known to be honoured by the special friend- ship of Williams1.

As Montagu himself narrates the story, the origin of^*0^™- this renowned controversy by no means foreshadowed the the Jesuits- magnitude which it was destined to assume. He had gone down to his college living of Stanford Rivers in Essex, in 16322, for a quiet resumption of his parish duties, when he found one of his flock, a somewhat illiterate woman, in deep mental distress. Certain ' Romish Rangers ' had terrified her by the assurance that the Protestant faith which she professed could only result in her spiritual ruin. Montagu assured her that there was no cause for alarm, — these emissaries were but ' scare crowes,' — and so far soothed her feelings as to believe that he had effectually composed her 'disquieted thoughts.' The priests, however, resumed their machinations, and he eventually felt himself constrained personally to challenge them to a public disputation, and he "miienge accordingly handed to his parishioner a paper wherein he called reply. e upon her tormentors to prove : 1. That the Church of Rome was either the Catholic Church or a sound member of it. 2. That the Church of England was neither. 3. That those doctrines which the Church of Rome taught, but which the Church of England repudiated, had ever been the traditional doctrine of the true Catholic Church, or ever approved at any General Council, or could be shewn to be in agreement

1 In dedicating his Treatise of In- more than to all the world beside.'

vocation of Saints to the lord keeper 2 The date '1619' given in the D.

in 1624, Montagu writes :...' your N. B. is evidently incompatible with

honor is he unto whom, next unto the internal evidence. See Montagu's

his most sacred Majestie, my most New Gaga, pp. 2-6 ; also Gardiner, .

gracious soveraigne and master, I owe Hist, of England, v 351.

28 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP, i. witn the teaching of any one of the Fathers for 500 years after Christ. This broad challenge met with no direct re- sponse, but some eighteen months later, Montagu received a tract bearing the title, A Oagg for the New Gospel, in which certain doctrines, alleged to be those of the Church of England, were examined and refuted. The writer, whom Montagu stigmatises as 'a very worthless author,' seemed scarcely to deserve a reply, had not the opportunity appeared to be one not to be lost. Here were certain tenets held up to condemnation, which were asserted to be those of the English Church, — Montagu held that they were not taught by his Church, and that a formal disclaimer to that effect was peremptorily called for. The language in which he subsequently explained his point of view deserves to be especially noted : ' I was forced upon the controversies of these times,' he wrote, ' between the Protestant and Romish England Confessiomsts. And because it hath bin ever truly counted sponsibie for a readier way for the advancement of piety rather to lessen

doctrines not » r J

tributebVeto an(^ abate than to multiply the number of many needless her teaching. contentions in the Church : therefore when I first under-

tooke to answer that very worthless author, I did it with

a firmed purpose to leave all private opinions and particular positions or oppositions whatsoever, unto their own authors or abettors, either to stand or fall of themselves; and not to suffer the Church of England to be charged with the maintenance of any doctrine which was none of her own, publickely and universally resolved on. For we are at a great disadvantage with our adversaries to have those tenents put and pressed evermore upon us, for the generall doctrine established in our Church, which are but eyther the problem- aticall opinions of private doctors, to be held or not held eyther way ; or else the fancies many of them of factious men, disclaimed and censured by the Church, not to be held any way1!

1 Epist. Dedic. to the Appello tradition de 1'Eglise, mais non pas

Caesarem, av. It is difficult here not vos casuistes... Je vois bien...que

to be reminded of Pascal and his fifth tout est bien venu chez vous, hormis

Provincial, — 'Je croyais ne devoir les anciens Peres.' Lettres Provin-

prendre pour regie que 1'Ecriture et la dales, ed. 1853, pp. 95, 103. Of the

RICHARD MONTAGU. 29

Such was the language in which Montagu ultimately . CH^P- T- justified his position to king Charles. For the present, he preferred to issue a lengthy pamphlet, extending to 328 quarto pages, which he apparently had not time to con- dense within more reasonable limits, entitled 'A New Gagg for an Old Goose1-.' Although not free from the scurrility that characterised the controversial literature of those times, this production is justly described by Gardiner as 'a tem- perate exposition of the reasons which were leading an increasing body of scholars to reject the doctrines of Rome and Geneva alike2.' It was the writer's aim to shew that "

the ' errors ' attributed by Calvinist or Romanist to Pro- testantism were not errors at all, but the outcome of a deliberate suspension of judgement with respect to certain opinions, — opinions which had been raised, without adequate authority, by certain doctors of those communions to the dignity of dogmas. He accordingly brings forward a series of these doctrines, among them those of predestination, transubstantiation, the identification of the pope with Antichrist, the duty of confession to a priest3, the inter- cession of angels, prayers for the souls of the departed, and seeks to prove that they are, as he above describes them, ' problematical opinions ' of doctors, or the ' fancies of factious men ' ; but in each case it is his endeavour to shew that the Protestant divine does not seek to put aside these doctrines by a sweeping negation, but rather to relegate them to the

authors vaunted by Pascal's anta- are expresse for confessing. Igraunt:

gonist, Frances Suarez and Gabriel and for confessing of sinnes too, but

Vasquez were probably already well not expresse for publique or private

known to not a few Anglican di- confessing; not for confessing unto

vines. whom, to man or unto God ; not,

1 A Gagg for the New Gospel1? No: whether in generall they confessed A NEW GAGG for an OLD Goose. Who themselves sinners ; or, descended to would needes undertake to stop all some particulars there more ordinary Protestants mouths for ever, with 276 direct and enormious sinnes. These places out of their owne English are not instanced, discerned nor BIBLES.... By Richard Mountagu. determined. Writers are divided in London, 1624. opinion. You know it not: only

2 Gardiner, Hist, of England, v because there was confessing of 352. sinnes, it must needes be such confes-

3 The following is a good specimen sion of such sinnes as you imagined.' of his mode of argument : ' The A New Gagg, p. 85.

words of our Bible (Matth. iii 5, 6)

30

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP. I.

His book complained of to the House of Commons. John Yates. 6. 1622 (?). d. 1658.

His theory with respect to the success of the new

doctrines.

Archbishop Abbot ad- monishes Montagu.

class of opinions not necessarily included within the limits of recognised orthodoxy, and with respect to which con- siderable latitude should be conceded. Unfortunately this temperate and dispassionate mode of dealing with theological differences was very far from recommending itself to the great majority of divines in Cambridge. Every concession made by Montagu to the adversary, whether Calvinist or Romanist, seemed only heterodoxical or presumptuous1, and to a large section the writer's denial of the teaching of the Church as enforcing the duty of auricular confession was especially distasteful.

The town of Ipswich was conspicuous at this period for its traditional allegiance to Reformation doctrine; and two of its resident ' lecturers ' (as afternoon preachers were then termed), named Ward and Yates, proceeded to make a selec- tion of the more obnoxious passages in the New Gagg and forwarded them, as subject-matter for grave complaint, to a committee of the House of Commons. Yates, as formerly a fellow of Emmanuel College, was probably familiar with Montagu's previous career. In his recently published Modell of Divinity2 he had already expressed his dislike of the Arminian and popish doctrines which were spreading with such alarming rapidity; at the same time giving it as his opinion, that their success was mainly attributable to the want of systematic teaching and more especially to the disuse into which the practice of catechising had fallen, — an evil which his treatise was designed to assist in remedying. The House of Commons referred the complaint from Ipswich to archbishop Abbot, for him to take action as he might deem fit. Abbot sent for Montagu ; and, without actually condemning the obnoxious volume, advised him to reconsider the views therein set forth, and to modify them according as more mature judgement might suggest. Montagu was not the man tamely to submit to counsel, when compliance involved a humiliating admission on his own part. He

1 See Mr Button's able sketch of Montagu in the D. N. B.

2 A Modell of Divinitie, catechisti- cally composed, wherein is delivered

the Matter antl Methode of Religion according to the Creed, Ten Com- mandments, Lord's Prayer and the Sacraments. London, 1622. 4to.

RICHARD MONTAGU. 31

sought and obtained an interview with James, to whom he v CHARI explained and justified his views. 'It pleased His Majesty,' ^°^fJ0 he tells us, ' not only to grant me leave humbly to appeale j'aeJ^Ves from my defamers unto his most sacred cognisance in pub- sanction1*! licke, and to represent my just defence against their slanders tumor the and false surmises unto the world ; but also to give expresse order unto Dr White1, the reverend dean of Carlile, for the authorising and publishing thereof, after it had beene duly read over and approved by him to containe nothing in it but what was agreeable to the doctrine and discipline established in the Church of England2.'

Such was the origin of the Appello Caesarem. The Dean of Carlisle perused the manuscript and sanctioned its publication; but a few weeks later king James died, and the ' Epistle Dedicatory ' was addressed to Charles in- stead, to whom Montagu now preferred his 'just appeal' against 'two unjust informers3.' The crisis at which the 'Appeal ' came forth, the reputation of the writer, the raci- j ness of his style, and the genuine ability with which his whole argument was urged, invested the tractate with excep- tional interest. It may indeed be fairly questioned whether in the first half of the seventeenth century, — that age of pamphleteering, — any similar production excited such ardent controversy between the opposed parties ; none, certainly, p stirred or affected so deeply the current of academic thought Ca at Cambridge. But before we proceed to record the chief incidents of the remarkable contest that ensued, it will be well to note Montagu's exact standpoint and the grounds on which he justified it.

At the outset of his vindication, Montagu seeks to clear himself definitely and once for all from the charge of teaching

1 Francis White of Caius College, Dr Sam. Ward that, according to

M.A. 1586, already well known as report, White had ' paid for his

one of the disputants against Fisher, place.' His death, in 1638, deprived

the Jesuit, and as author of a treatise Laud of one of his most unflinching

The Orthodox Faith and Way to the supporters.

Church, 1617. In 1625 he was ap- 2 Epist. Dedic. to the Appello Cae-

pointed senior dean of Sion College, sarem, a3v.

and on 3 Dec. 1626 to the bishopric 3 Appello Caesarem. A just Ap-

of Carlisle; in Ussher's correspond- pealefrom tivo unjust Informers. By

ence (Works, xv 369) it is stated by Richard Mountagu. Lond. 1625.

32

A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

CHAP. I.

His position as regards the Lapsarian controversy that of the Church of England.

This again, as opposed to the teaching of Calvinism, he asserts to have been a distinct tra- dition at Cambridge.

the doctrines of Arminius, whose writings he distinctly avers he has never even read. ' I am not,' he says, ' Arminian, Calvinist, or Lutheran, but a Christian1.' But while taking, for his rule of faith, the Scriptures, and the Scriptures only, he emphatically declares that, as an interpreter of that rule, he accepts the teaching of the Church of England in prefer- ence to that of any foreign communion. 'And wherever,' he adds, ' our mother Church herself refrains from determining and pronouncing, I also refrain, and I accept as the bounds of my avowed faith, the consented, resolved, and subscribed Articles of the Church of England2.' Having thus denned his general position, Montagu found no difficulty in declaring that he considered himself in no way bound to adopt any one of the theories propounded in connexion with the dark question which at that time seemed to threaten to absorb half the intellectual energies of Protestantism, — the Lapsarian controversy. But so far as the Church of England, in the 16th Article, could be held to have denned her doctrine in relation thereto, her teaching, he considered, was in strict harmony with that of the ancient Church, and all who had subscribed that Article had 'subscribed that Arminianism ' which many now ' imputed as an error ' unto himself3. Throughout his argument, Montagu finds satis- faction in tracing back his views to a distinct tradition of teaching in his own university. Bancroft, he points out, had espoused the same cause when he inveighed, at Hampton Court, against 'that desperate doctrine of predestination'; such too had been the position of Overall (' that most accom- plished divine, whose memorie shall ever be pretious with all good men '), and notably on the occasion when he related to king James the substance ' of those concertations which himself had sometime had in Cambridge with some doctors there4,' — 'at which time,' says Montagu, ' that doctrine of the Church of England then quarrelled, now stiled Arminianism, accused of noveltie, slandered as pernicious by these informers

1 Ibid. p. 10. Compare Fuller's language, a few years later, where, rejecting alike the designation of Lutheran, Calvinist, or Protestant,

he says, ' we are Christians. ' Ser- mons (ed. Axon), n 497.

2 Appello, p. 26. 3 Ibid. p. 29.

4 For Overall see Index to Vol. n.

RICHARD MONTAGU. 33

and their brethren, was resolved of and avowed for true, VCHAP. i. catholic, ancient and orthodox1.' To other eminent Cam- bridge teachers, to Whitaker, Perkins2, and Thomas Morton3 (now bishop of Lichfield), whose lectures before the univer- sity the writer had probably attended, there is also frequent reference. Montagu's design in citing these authorities was sufficiently intelligible to his contemporaries : he was making a dexterous appeal to an alleged tradition of doctrine at Cambridge, — a tradition that ran altogether counter to the sympathies of the great majority in the university at the time when he wrote and which that majority would be certain to call in question and disavow, but whose disavowal would be all the more certain to cause a highly influential section of Oxford theologians to rally to his own defence4.

The several stages of the process whereby the Appello, ^naur^b having first been submitted for criticism to a committee of commons! the House of Commons, eventually brought upon its author the censure of that assembly is a familiar story5. In July 1625, a special committee6 having been appointed to examine Montagu's two treatises, he was handed over to the custody of the serjeant-at-arms, not indeed as convicted of erroneous doctrine, but on the more technical charge of contempt of the House. He was, however, permitted to go .free on his bond ; and on the eleventh of July parliament adjourned, to reassemble in August at Oxford, the prevalence of the plague Parliamen

reassemble

in London compelling removal from the capital. The sister AU°xi625: university thus suddenly found itself converted into the supreme seat of legislature, while colleges and halls were occupied by members of both Houses to the displacement

1 Appello, p. 31. (Ibid. p. 299). In support of this

2 Ibid. pp. 89, 139, 169, 170, 173. position, which he refers to as that

3 Ibid. pp. 131, 146, 195, 215, 290, of 'Mother Church,' he says: 'let 294, 299. bishop Morton speak, and bishop

4 Here again Montagu's language Ussher deliver: no Papists I know; on the duty of confession is note- and, I think, none in your opinion ' worthy: ' My words are, "It is con- (Ibid.).

fessed that private confession unto 6 A story nowhere told with greater

a priest is of very ancient practice in impartiality than by Gardiner, Hist.

the Church ; of excellent use and of England, v 361-5.

benefit, being discreetly handled. We 6 The Committee by which the

refuse it to none, if men require it Petition on Recusancy had been drawn

We urge and perswade itin extremis " ' up. Ibid, v 355.

M. III. 3

34 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

v CHAP, i. alike Of fellows, masters of arts, and students. The divinity

mon8Candthe school was assigned as the place of assembly for the Commons,

rsity' where the Speaker occupied a chair close to that of the

regius professor of divinity. ' It is observed by some,' says

Anthony Wood, ' that this giving up of the divinity school

unto the House of Commons, and placing the Speaker near

the professor's chair, did first put them into a conceit that

the determining of all points and controversies in divinity

did belong to them1.'

Kecognised In this brief interval of three weeks before the re- importance

decision with assembling of parliament, the young monarch and his Monetagu° impetuous adviser found themselves under the necessity of deciding which side they would take in the Montacutian controversy, a decision, in Gardiner's opinion, ' even yet more momentous than that of the direction of the war.' Of its importance in relation to the two universities, the following outline (which is all that can here be offered) will afford sufficient proof.

When parliament met again at Oxford, Montagu was too

ill to appear; but in the mean time a powerful influence

had been brought to bear upon Buckingham in his favour.

The party at Oxford to which he had made his tacit appeal

Buckeridge, responded to his call. To Buckeridge, bishop of Rochester,

Hows'on wno had been Laud's tutor at St John's College, to Laud

memorialize

m^vour'of1 himself, now bishop of St Davids, and to Howson, a former student of Christ Church but now bishop of Oxford, the merits of the Appello seemed greatly to transcend its defects. The three prelates, accordingly, drew up a memorial to Bucking- ham, in which they stated it to be their joint conviction that the Church of England was in no way bound by the decisions of the Synod of Dort, that the opinions advanced by Montagu were not contrary to the teaching of his Church, and that the writer himself was 'a right honest man2.' But while thus giving expression to what was virtually a vindication of his treatise as a whole, they at the same time drew a scholarly and important distinction between the merits of

1 Wood-Gutch, ii 355.

2 Fuller-Brewer, Append. C, vi 470; Laud's Works, vi 246.

FALL OF WILLIAMS. 35

the different opinions therein propounded, — some of these, , CHAP, i. in their judgement, being ' expressly ' those of the Church of England, and such as he was, in a manner, ' bound to main- tain1'; but others, fit only for the schools, and subject consequently to be controverted, — ' to be left,' as they phrase it, ' at more liberty for learned men to abound in their own sense, so they keep themselves peaceable and distract not the Church. And therefore to make any man subscribe to school opinions may justly seem hard in the Church of Christ, and was one great fault of the Council of Trent2.' Had this notable letter ended here, it might have gone down to posterity as embodying at once a temperate defence of Montagu and a seasonable expression of the principle of toleration in relation to things indifferent or to questions confessedly unsolvable. But the sting of the missive was in its tail, and, after appearing simply as apologists and pleaders for impartiality, the writers summed up in terms which were distinctly de- nunciatory of their opponents and have been censured as 'strangely inconsistent' with their preceding utterances. ' We cannot conceive,' they wrote, ' what use there can be of civil government in the Commonwealth, or of preaching or external ministry in the Church, if such fatal opinions as some which are opposite and contrary to those delivered by Mr Montague shall be publicly taught and maintained3.'

In the following October the lord keeper fell. His shrewd estimate of the position had probably convinced him that both Charles and Buckingham, in the conflict in which they had become involved with the lower house, were marching on their ruin, but his relations with the all-powerful favorite were not, as yet, those of declared antagonism, and he still cherished the hope that they admitted of retrieval. On the Wllli*™5 u

J dismissed

25th of the month, however, he was informed by Conway, om™ the secretary of state, that he must consider his tenure office as at an end and he was advised to retire to his diocese. At Cambridge it was believed that his courageous frankness

1 Fuller-Brewer, vi 468; Laud's Works, vi 245.

2 Ibid, vi 468-9 ; Laud's Works, Ibid.

3 Laud, Works, vi 245.

3—2

36 A.D. 1625 TO 1640.

. CHAP, i. as an adviser1, his known reluctance to resort to base ex- pedients of patronage 2, were the sole causes of the disfavour into which he had fallen, — a belief, it must be admitted, to which the actual evidence lends but inadequate support. Although no longer lord keeper, Williams was still dean of Westminster, and under ordinary circumstances he would, in that capacity, have been assigned a part in the ceremony of the coronation. As the time drew near, accordingly, on hearing that the preparations for the august event were already in progress, he hastened up from his palace at Buck- den to London ; it was only however to learn that Charles

He« ordered forbade him to take any share in the ceremony and that he was required 'to substitute the bishop of St Davids for his

The°corona- deputy3.' It was Laud, therefore, who on the appointed day minster : officiated in Williams' place, and his appearance was a scarcely

2FeM62£. . . . ,

less sinister omen than was the non-appearance or the queen in the chair set for her in the abbey. Nor did it serve greatly to mend matters, that Laud, in compiling a special service and arranging the ceremonial, did his best to invest the proceedings with peculiar interest and solemnity, so that Joseph Mede, writing to Sir Martin Stuteville, could characterise it as ' one of the most punctual coronations since the Conquest4.' It is singular that the service which Laud prepared should eventually have found a home in the Library which his rival had built5; while the prebend of Buckden,

1 Supra, p. 11. library of his college, where it is now

2 See Hacket, 1 107. preserved. The MS. has since been

3 Cabala, i!07. Letters of Archbp. printed and edited by the Eev. Canon Williams (ed. Mayor), pp. 57-68. Wordsworth for the Henry Bradshaw

4 Court and Times of Charles the Society, in a volume entitled The First, i 79. Manner of the Coronation of King

5 The volume containing the ser- Charles the First (London, 1892). vice, used by Charles on the occasion, Canon Wordsworth's interesting ac- a 12mo. manuscript with the rubrics count of its history is given in pp. ' in red letters ' which Prynne after- xvi-xviii, where, however, I venture wards animadverted upon with sour to make one correction, viz. that it dislike (Canterburie' s Doome, p. 69), was not William Lloyd, bishop of came into the possession of arch- Norwich, the owner of the volume, bishop Sancroft ; from his hands it who with six other bishops was com- passed into those of William Lloyd, mitted to the Tower in 1688, but bishop of Norwich, and one of the William Lloyd, bishop of St Asaph, nonjuring bishops, and eventually who had been educated at Oriel became the property of Thomas College, Oxford.

Baker, who bequeathed it to the

WILLIAMS AND ST JOHN'S COLLEGE. 37

Williams' episcopal seat, had not long been vacated by ^ CH^P- Laud.

In his dismay and despair, the late lord keeper humbled himself in the dust before both king and minister. ' I am,' he wrote to Buckingham, ' a creature of your own, struck dead onlye with your displeasure.'... 'If I were guiltye of any unworthye unfaithfulnes for the time past, or not guiltye of a resolution to doe your Grace all service for the time to com, all considerations under Heaven could not force me to begge it so earnestlye, or to professe myselfe as I doe before God and you, your Grace his most humble, affectionate and de- voted servaunt1.' His appeal met with no response, and a month later the writer made another effort, addressing

O to Charles :

himself this time to his monarch, urging his ' griefe and 6 Feb- 162f necessities,' — ' I am not paid,' he writes, ' that payment of my pension which shoulde paye the Creditors which lent me money to buy the same, notwithstanding your Matie hath bene gratiously pleased to order otherwise ' ; ' secondly, I have not yet received my writt of summons unto the Parliament denyed to noe prisoners or condemned persons in the late raigne of your blessed ffather.' He concludes with an entreaty that Charles will be pleased to restore him to favour and mitigate on his behalf ' the causeless displeasure ' of Bucking- ham2. This appeal, however, seems like the former to have met with no response, and the writer now began to assume an air of resignation to his fate. In a letter to his ' friend and cozen,' Sir John Wynne, dated from Buckden on the first of the preceding December3, he had already spoken of his late career as one of ' glorious miserye and splendid slavery ' and feigned to exult in his release. To the world at large it might well seem that the star of his fortune had definitely set ; but Williams was blest with a constitutional elasticity which no caprice of fortune could permanently depress. foAun

1 Letters (ed. Mayor), p. 57. his anger but my prayers to god and

2 ' That your Matie would be pleased your sacred Matie ' (S. P. Dom. to mitigatt & allay the causeless Charles 7, xx, no. 43). displeasure of my Lo. D. ag* me who 3 Letter to Sir John Wynne : is soe litle satisfied with any thinge 1 Dec. 1625. Eur. Mag. xxi; Letters that I canne doe or suffer that I have (ed. Mayor), p. 35.